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The Journal of Western History

  • : 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회)
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55권0호(2016) |수록논문 수 : 10
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KCI등재

1원전 체제의 형성, 1940~1970: 미·영·프·독의 경우를 중심으로

저자 : 이관수 ( Kwan Soo Lee ) , 이내주 ( Nae-joo Lee ) , 문지영 ( Ji-young Moon ) , 박진희 ( Jin Hee Park )

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 간행물 : 서양사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2016 페이지 : pp. 5-46 (42 pages)

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The history of nuclear power production in the United States, the United Kingdoms, France and West Germany contradicts technological determinism. The reactor technology converged on the light water reactor, while their nuclear power regimes diverged quite differently. This historical development evades socio-economical factor analysis, since the historical contingencies and contexts of each nation played critical roles. Even nuclear engineers and scientists` legitimate domain of expertise were dissimilar. Though the nuclear policy of United States conditioned the nuclear development of the UK, France, West Germany, the influences never were unidirectional. Especially, UK`s nuclear development propelled US to created then non-existent nuclear power plant program. At the end of 1960s, nuclear power production regimes in each nations were established. However, they were confronted with different problems. In the United States, the traditional arguments on “government vs private sector” took a new turn. Safety concern iginited quite a acerbic controversy. Both of the United Kingdoms and West Germany shared the expectations that nuclear power plant industry would be a healthy export industry, but that prospects were not bright, regardless of who controls the nuclear industry, the government(UK) or private sector(West Germany). France had finally caught-up the Anglo-American nuclear capacities, if not quantity. However how to realize France`s strong nationalistic vision remained an open question. (Dongguk University-Seoul/ksleeyz@gmail.com, Korea Military Academy, Sookmyung Women`s University, Dongguk University-Seoul)

KCI등재

2경수로 기술 발달의 역사적 전개: 영국, 미국, 프랑스, 독일에서의 발달을 중심으로

저자 : 박진희 ( Jin Hee Park ) , 문지영 ( Ji-young Moon ) , 이관수 ( Kwan Soo Lee ) , 이은경 ( Eunkyoung Lee )

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 간행물 : 서양사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2016 페이지 : pp. 47-81 (35 pages)

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The purpose of this study is to figure out how differently the technological trajectories of light water reactor could be shaped under the nuclear power plant regimes of four countries: the United States, the United Kingdom, France and Germany. The historical development of light water reactor technology shows also how the technology could be socially constructed. During the 1950s the AEC focused on the development of light water reactor of Navy with the policy of "Atom for Peace" in order to diffuse reactor technology for producing electricity. On the contrary the development of Gas-cooled reactor was pursued in the UK and France with the purpose of plutonium production for nuclear weapons. While the power efficiency and economical efficiency of reactor were hardly considered in the three countries, those factors were relatively high valued in Germany where the using of nuclear energy had to be constrained in the power plants. In the 1960s the light water reactor had been established as a dominant technology. With the growth of reactor market in the US the light water reactor was put to practical use for private power plants. EURATOM helped the light water reactor of the US to step into european countries. Germany took the lead to construct nuclear power plant with light water reactor, while it was at the End of the 1960s that France decided to develop the light water reactor after the technological nationalism decayed. Despite of these trends, the UK maintained to promote Advanced Gas-cooled reactors, which resulted from the momentum of nuclear power plant regimes. During the 1970s the nuclear power plant regimes of France and Germany were stabilized on the base of nuclear industrial growth and new energy policies. The reactor industries in France and Germany made contribution to globalization of light water reactor. There accumulated opportunities to learn technology with increasing number of light water reactor with large scale. The economic efficiency of nuclear power plant was also improved. However the UK had not introduced the light water reactor until 1979. The british power plant regime allowed engineers only to invent a "british light water reactor", which differed from american light water reactor in terms of safety. The social shaping of technology is also found in the case of light water reactor in four countries. (Dongguk University-Seoul, Dharma College/minerba64@naver. com, Sookmyung Women`s University, Dongguk University, Chonbuk National University)

KCI등재

3원전 사고와 원전 체제의 변화: TMI와 체르노빌 사고를 중심으로

저자 : 김덕호 ( Deok-ho Kim ) , 박진희 ( Jinhee Park ) , 이내주 ( Nae-joo Lee ) , 이정희 ( Jeonghee Lee )

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 간행물 : 서양사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2016 페이지 : pp. 83-120 (38 pages)

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This article will try to show the major nuclear plant accidents such as the Three Mile Island[TMI] accident in the US, and the Chernobyl accident in the Soviet Union. It will focus not on their causes and processes but on the effects on the public opinion and the nuclear power regimes among the UK, France, West Germany, and the US. It will investigate on how the public opinion had formulated, and how the nuclear power regimes had responded to these accidents among these 4 countries in a comparative history. It will show the diverse responses of each state`s nuclear power regime from the post-nuclear plant policy to the reinforcement of the existing nuclear plant policy, even though these nuclear plant accidents had affected enormously on their societies. The TMI accident in 1979 was perceived as a great shock to most Americans. Despite its scale was so disastrous that the anti-nuclear movement had risen nationwide, the American nuclear power regime did not give up the pro-nuclear plant policy. Furthermore, its impacts on the European countries including the UK, France, and West Germany were relatively not so strong, although these countries took steps in enforcing the safety problems of the nuclear plants. However, the Chernobyl accident case in 1986 was different to the European states because it was the worst nuclear plant accident and they were interconnected as a whole, no countries escaped from the radioactive fallout. Despite of this fact, the responses of each states were so different. As a result, while the UK had to accept to the people`s voices asking for the reexamination of safety on the nuclear plants, the US had still continued the nuclear power regime in the federal level, while some state governments - New York, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts - raised doubts about the operations of nuclear plants. More dramatic contrast happened between West Germany and France. While West Germany finally decided to build no more nuclear plant for a post-nuclear society, France opened most information on the nuclear plants and had got a support from the majority of French people. Through implementing a policy of “embrace and extend” against the anti-nuclear power, the French government had succeeded in making its nuclear power regime more positively. (Koreatech/dhkim@koreatech.ac.kr, Dongguk University-Seoul, Korea Military Academy, Sogang University)

KCI등재

4사용후 핵연료 재처리 정책의 변화와 그 요인들

저자 : 이은경 ( Eunkyoung Lee ) , 김덕호 ( Deok-ho Kim ) , 박진희 ( Jin Hee Park ) , 이정희 ( Jeonghee Lee )

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 간행물 : 서양사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2016 페이지 : pp. 121-151 (31 pages)

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The spent nuclear fuel management can disclose the decision making structure of the nuclear power generation system. Disposal and reprocessing are two options. Disposal of the spent fuel as a nuclear waste raises many domestic issues such as where to bury it, which technology to choose and how to persuade local people. Reprocessing is the technology to gain some radioactive materials from the spent fuel, which was originally developed to provide plutonium for atomic bombs during the World War II. Reprocessing costs a lot, but it can turn the spent fuel into a new potential fuel, plutonium for some specially designed reactors. Therefore, the spent nuclear fuel management is a complex problem that is interrelated with the aspects of the nuclear armament, international military relations, energy programs, the cost and benefits of plutonium and social and environmental movements. This paper aims to examine the historical changes of the spent nuclear fuel policies in the UK, France, Germany, and the US in a comparative perspective. All of these countries chose or preferred to the reprocessing in the 1950s and early 1960s. Since the 1970s, however, the spent nuclear fuel policies have been modified many times for different reasons. As the result, these 4 countries have different spent nuclear fuel policies for the present ranging from the permanent disposal to sticking to reprocessing. The reasons or rationales for the spent nuclear fuel management, the decision making mechanisms, and the impacts and new issues of the policy changes in each country are discussed to understand the features of the nuclear power system. (Chonbuk National University/eklee@jbnu.ac.kr, Koreatech, Dongguk University-Seoul, Sogang University)

KCI등재

5사회기술적 조정과 원전 체제의 다양성: 원전 산업구조와 규제양식을 중심으로

저자 : 홍덕화 ( Deoukhwa Hong )

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 간행물 : 서양사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2016 페이지 : pp. 153-190 (38 pages)

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This study analyzes the varieties of civil nuclear power`s develop-mental trajectory in capitalistic states since 1970`s from the perspective of the sociotechnical regime. Well-known reasons to build nuclear power plants, which are their economic competitiveness or continual growth of electricity demands etc., are the outcomes of political, economic and social institutions by themselves. In this paper, nuclear power plants are understood as institutional complex including technology to trace their developmental paths. To shed light on sociotechnical coordination, system builder is reinterpreted from governance perspective, focused on the nuclear industrial structures and the regulatory style. Nuclear industrial structures of six countries, including U.S.A, UK, France, Germany, Japan and Korea, are divided into 4 types by the way of developing nuclear weapon and the corporate governance of nuclear industry. Similarly, the mode of regulation is categorized into 4 groups by anti-nuclear movement`s power and the state`s response strategies. The developmental path of nuclear power regime have diversified into various ways by the interaction between the industrial structures and modes of regulation, which is reflected in the different ways to secure execution capability of building nuclear power plants. From the perspective of the nuclear regime, Korean society`s nuclear power dependence is a product of the structure of a public business group-type nuclear industry and of inclusive modes of regulation. (SSK Ageing Society Research Center, Seoul national university/ deokhwa.hong@gmail.com)

KCI등재

6러시아 포스터 속의 제1차 세계대전

저자 : 박상철 ( Sang Chul Park )

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 간행물 : 서양사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2016 페이지 : pp. 191-230 (40 pages)

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During the First World War, the publication of Russian propaganda posters was significantly increased and its outstanding artists participated in its making. Russian War Posters can be divided two categories: Russian traditional Lubok-style posters and European-style posters. At early times of First World War, Lubok-style posters, with impressive images and a few sentences, delivered the news of Russian military victories to the Russian peoples, in particular, to peasants. By describing the German Emperor as a devil, emphasizing his ambitions of being a European Emperor, and/or accentuating the cruelty of the German army, they insisted the legitimacy of the `defense war` of Russia, while highlighting the bravery and combat capability of the Russian soldiers and expressing the expectation of easy victory. But since the war was prolonged and the Russian army experienced continuous military defeats, lubok-style posters were unable to present a logical or moral explanation and the way how to overcome the difficult situation. It just disappeared from the market. European-style poster is classified as `charity` posters and war-bonds posters. Charity posters, usually advertising a charity event to the wealthier, were published not by the Russian government but by various charities and social organizations. These posters largely appealed to the patriotism, civic duty, and humanitarian feelings of the wealthier and, taking into account their tastes, showed bright and optimistic mood. However, some charity posters which overly stressed the sufferings of war victims had possibilities of imparting anti-war messages. Warbonds posters which emerged from 1916 described the real situation of the front and more actively reflected the stance of the government. But the purpose of some war-bonds posters was vague and unarticulated as compared to the other belligerent posters. (Chonnam National University/sachpak@chonnam.ac.kr)

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This thesis examines the changing nature of Soviet Gulag in the mid-1930s, focusing on the White Sea-Baltic Combine, one of the earliest and best-known corrective labor camps in the Stalin era. Historians studying Gulag have pointed out that these camps, which grew rapidly during the 1930s, served as an instrument of oppression and punishment. Corrective labor camp, they claims, were repressive and corrective in nature. This widely accepted perspective, however, portrays the camps as monolithic institutions. On the contrary, camps evolved over time, particularly in the mid-1930s when they put emphasis more on labor and less on re-education. This new emphasis mirrored a greater socioeconomic change of the mid-1930s, when an impulse for industrialization swept the whole country. In the camps, the industrial impulse was evident in daily life, which demanded inmates to become agents of productivity. To illuminate this change, this thesis scrutinizes the Gulag newspapers published in during 1935 and 1936 at the White Sea-Baltic Combine. The Gulag newspapers, circulated only within the camp, illustrated inmates foremost as laborers. Articles written by inmates betrayed a perspective that highlighted the camp primarily as an economic institution striving for higher labor productivity. It also drew on resources from the Stakhanovite movement to refashion the camp as a laboratory of productivity. The Gulag newspapers often lauded the productive inmates as the Stakhanovites and reported in detail about their achievement. In this light, this thesis demonstrates the ways in which corrective labor camps evolved into a unique organization that prioritized productivity, not re-education. (Seoul National University/suhyuk18@naver.com)

KCI등재

8프랭클린 루스벨트의 대독일 정책, 1937~1939

저자 : 홍성곤 ( Sounggon Hong )

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 간행물 : 서양사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2016 페이지 : pp. 265-300 (36 pages)

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In the face of the Great Depression and the Hitlerfascism, the redivision of the world and the `peaceful` reorganization of the international Order was the cardinal problem. In this political situation, the Franklin Roosevelt administration wanted to integrate Germany in the Free Trade system by the economic appeasement based on the Open Door policy in order to solve the conflict of the great powers and establish the American hegemony. According to this strategy, Franklin Roosevelt tried to push positively the American-style economic appeasement towards Germany from 1937. But Neville Chamberlain who understood that the policy of the Roosevelt administration aims to establish the Free Trade Imperialism based on the economic supremacy of United States responded to the American challenge by the anti-Soviet Union `alliance` and the division of spheres of influence through the Hitler-Halifax talks in order to preserve the British Empire and the Imperial Preference System. According to this British strategy, the American-style economic appeasement which tried to coerce the Open Door system towards Germany through the policy cooperation between the two nations failed. Thus the Roosevelt administration followed passively the British- style appeasement policy from the beginning of 1938. Besides, the Roosevelt administration followed the policy of Neville Chamberlain because of the fear of communism after the Anschluss of Austria. In Particular according to anti-communism, the Roosevelt administration supported positively the Munich Agreement. But because of the Kristallnacht that occurred shortly after the conclusion of the Munich Agreement, the Roosevelt administration supported on the appearance the `aggressive` policy towards Germany. But the aggressive policy of the Roosevelt administration was not the change of policy from the economic appeasement to the containment policy. Thus after the failure of revision of the Neutrality Act, the only alternative policy was to assist the conclusion of the Triple Alliance Negotiations between Britain, France and Soviet Union beginning from the spring of 1939. But the Roosevelt administration adhered to the traditional `non-involvement` policy towards the European problems. According to this position, the Roosevelt administration asked for the solution of the polish crisis through negotiation to Hitler. (Korea University/kssgh@hanmail.net)

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This paper aims to do a critical review on A Failed Empire, one of the recent works of Vladislav M. Zubok, which has been much admired by the specialist and generalists alike as a challenging account of the Soviet side of the Cold War. The book has many strengths as an overview of Soviet foreign policy. In particular, it stands out clearly in using widely various archives, memoirs, interviews and available published primary sources, although Zubok has attempted to write a comprehensive history that spans the entire period of the Cold War. Moreover, the author made many efforts to explain the history of the Soviet Cold War through an impressive theoretical framework, which is called `the revolutionary-imperial paradigm.` According to him, the postwar Soviet leadership through the era of Brezhnev failed to achieve peaceful settlements with America, another superpower, by firmly having kept this paradigm. However, Gorbachev, the last Soviet leader, rejected it flatly, presenting `New Thinking` as an alternative diplomatic principle in international relations, and as a result, the animosity and confrontation between two superpowers ended without much bloodshed. On the other hand, the book reveals several weaknesses. Zubok often misinterprets materials in supporting his arguments and tends to ignore important theses by other scholars, not analysing closely. Furthermore, he overemphasizes the role of ideas, in particular, of Soviet leaders when they behaved in the international arena. For example, Zubok gives too much value to Brezhnev`s belief in peace, when he tries to examine his detente. Likewise, Zubok argues that `New Thinking` of Gorbachev played a decisive role in ending the Cold War. Such an analysis by the author resulted frequently in downplaying the structural limitations, such as political, military and economic difficulties on the domestic and international levels, which, sometimes, the Soviet leaders as an individual politician hardly could get over. Moreover, Zubok does not discuss in earnest social and cultural dimensions of the Soviet side of the Cold War. Particularly, he almost failed to examine the Cold War experiences of the Soviet grassroots. For better work, he should have considered more carefully how the international developments affected the Soviet general public and, in turn, how they responded to the Cold War policies of the Soviet governments. (Seoul National University of Science & Technology/namsubkim@ seoultech.ac.kr)

KCI등재

10식민의 기억과 역사학: 피에르 노라와 『위험한 기억들』

저자 : 김용우 ( Yong Woo Kim )

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 간행물 : 서양사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2016 페이지 : pp. 329-352 (24 pages)

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How to come to terms with the colonial past? How to integrate colonial memory into national history? By comparing the views of Pierre Nora and the authors of a book, Les memoires dangereuses, this review essay aims at exploring the way in which colonial memory can trigger reconfiguration of national history narrative. For Nora, recent French war of memory tends to politicize and instrumentalize historiography and endanger the French national identity. For Benjamin Stora and Alexis Jenni, the authors of Les memoires dangereuses, it can contribute to open new perspectives of national history, including the Mediterranean transnational history. For Stora and Jenni, national identity itself is a fiction, or if exists, it is in constant flux. (Korea National University of Education/kimywoo@knue.ac.kr)

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