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MYONG-CHEONG-SA YONGU (JOURNAL OF MING-QING HISTORICAL STUDIES)

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수록범위 : 1권0호(1992)~53권0호(2020) |수록논문 수 : 476
명청사연구
53권0호(2020년 04월) 수록논문
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1명대(明代) 동남연해(東南沿海) 주사무역(走私貿易) 연구 ― 관(官), 민(民), 적(賊)의 삼중주(三重奏) ―

저자 : 이화승 ( Lee Hwa-seung )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 53권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 1-32 (32 pages)

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China has supervised to manage the entry and exit of people and cargoes in a way of setting up officials in charge of the border and major transportation points of land and water by following the political and military needs. For the sake of social stability and effective governance of minorities, policies and laws were set up and managed in a case of strict punishment imposed on the violation. On the southeast coast, the maritime customs were set up to control then entry and exit on a long coastline. Since then, as the public trade, being represented by the tribute trade was conducted and out of the scope of the tribute trade or transported prohibited items secretly was called the smuggling trade. After the Tang Dynasty, the establishment of 市舶司 emphasized the financial aspects such as tax revenue and market stability. Foreign trade through officials has been significant as a great portion of the state's finances in the Song Dynasty. As such, governments in history restricted the scope of the public trade and prohibited the smuggle trade while it prevailed widely because of actual needs and guaranteed many benefits despite high risks. In particular, as the smuggling trade in the coastal areas was hard to control due to relating to the livelihoods of coastal residents unlike the border area in the land, the authorities adjusted its policies frequently in a way of toleration and regulation. While the smuggling trade has positive aspects such as increasing tax revenues, revitalizing the domestic market and maintaining the livelihood of the people, it has proposed the problems of social instability such as bureaucratic corruption and domination of merchants following many benefits.
In the Ming Dynasty, the smuggling trade has changed greatly in its characters and scale from the previous era. The founder of the Ming Dynasty proclaimed a maritime policy for a political purpose and conducted maritime defense actively to establish a new order in the coastal waters. Later, the public trade through the tributes was only permitted seemingly in the Southeast coast. As the commodity economy in the inland market such as Gangnam was developed a breakthrough was required, but when the livelihood of the coastal residents was threatened by the ban on maritime policy, they rushed into the smuggling trade by the violation of the law and accumulated enormous commercial energy. Thus, the large-scale of the smuggling trade developed before and after the middle of the Ming Dynasty was an expression of accumulated social resources, not temporary or accidental, and reflected the process of expanding of the Chinese market from inside to outside. The coastal residents under the protection of 土豪 worked in various names such as pirates, sea marauders, 販海之徒 and private merchants, especially when the white silver the Portuguese brought triggered to make the smuggle trade to a peak. After numerous discussions through trials and errors, the opening of the small port of 月港 in Quanzhou(泉州) finally took a new turn. The smuggling trade in this era was an important channel to connect the Chinese economy to the world, and the government, the people and the pirates who participated in the process were seeking confrontation and cooperation in sharp positions. In modern times, the smuggling trade has expanded into a form of illegal economic actions across borders, carrying gold, silver, money and other prohibited items without law abidance.
This examines the process in developing foreign trade in history and the aspects of the smuggling trade in the era through different positions of those who participated in the smuggling trade in the southeast coast in the Ming Dynasty.

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2명(明) 가정(嘉靖) 중기(中期) 선부진(宣府鎭) · 대동진(大同鎭)의 성보(城堡)와 변장(邊墻) 건설

저자 : 李玉仁 ( Lee Ok-in )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 53권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 33-61 (29 pages)

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In early Jiajing era when Altan Khan of eastern mongolian was leading whole mongolian groups, the most important fortresses of Ming's northern frontier were Jiezhou(薊州), Xianfu and Datong which enclosed the capital zone from north. Jiezhou relatively located in southern area relying on Three Uliangha Guards(兀良哈 三衛). On the contrary, Xianfu and Datong protected the capital zone and Imperial mausoleums of Ming(明皇陵), and played “the northern entrance” of the capital zone(京師) together. Differently from Xianfu which was known as easy defense because of rugged landform, Datong frequently suffered from Mongolian's raid because of flat landform so that there was no any bastion(城堡) in front of Datong fort(大同鎭城) at the time of Jiajing Emperor's enthronement. In addition, twice of mutinies broke out due to the slack military discipline.
The reinforcement for these important but exhausted fortresses was started by the suggestions of Xu Lun(許論) and Han Bang Qi(韓邦奇) in 1537, newly constructing Leesintun Bao(李信屯堡) on the western Xianfu. In front of Datong fort almost ruined because of Mongolian's raid and twice of mutinies, 28 bastions were constructed or reconstructed and the demarcation wall was entirely rebuilt until 1548. In Xianfu, the demarcation wall was rebuilt at west, middle and nourth of it, but at eastern zone just 6 bastions were constructed.
This reinforcement of Xianfu and Datong seems to became one of main parameters on a choice of Altan Khan's routes in the Gengxu incursion incident(庚戌之變)(1550). Historical resources about the Gengxu incursion incident including shilu(實錄) said only the bribe of Qiu Luan(仇鸞) caused that Altan khan selected Gubeikou(古北口) in Jiezhou fortress as his incursion's entrance. However, reading the regulated force strength in Huang ming jiu bian gao(『皇明九邊考』) and a report for the Emperor from Weng Man Da(翁萬達) in Ming Shizong shilu(『明世宗實錄』), Jiezhou was most negligent in northern defensive posture before the Gengxu incursion incident. Besides, Ming Court(明朝) did not slapdash defenses against Altan Khan's raid like reinforcing Xianfu and Datong.
After the Gengxu incursion incident, installations and organizations of JIezhou was strengthened in a large way.

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3언관(言官) 서관란(徐觀瀾)의 임진전쟁

저자 : 車惠媛 ( Cha Hye-won )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 53권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 63-95 (33 pages)

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This paper aims to unearth the facts surrounding the end of the Imjin War by reexamining the activities of Xu Quanlan (徐觀瀾), the first Supervising Secretary (給事中) to be sent to Joseon. Emperor Wanli (萬曆帝) ordered Xu Quanlan to investigate the results in the battle of Ulsan (蔚山) and the forging of the reports by the Ming generals.
Accompanied by Censor Chen Xiao (陳效) and Ding Yingtai (丁應泰), who initially impeached the Ming generals, Xu Quanlan started the investigation in Joseon. Ding Yingtai also accused Joseon of betraying the Ming by secretly siding with Japan. Xu's first work was to clear the false accusation towards Joseon. Doing so, he earned favorable public opinion of the Joseon society.
In the middle of their inspection, the Japanese forces suddenly retreated to Japan and the war ended. The investigators, having witnessed the situation, testified that the Ming generals' claim of victory was completely fabricated. Not only had the Ming army lost the engagement with the enemy, the generals secretly negotiated for the termination of the war. The commands of the Ming army provided hostages and supplies for the bloodless retreat of the Japanese troops and further promised to aid the establishment of diplomatic relations between Ming and Japan.
In an attempt to cover up the investigators' claims, the supreme commander Xing Jie (邢玠) impeached the inspectors for slandering the Ming army. Censor Chen Xiao suddenly passed away just prior to submitting the reports. Despite all the questionable circumstances, the emperor declared victory in the Imjin war without further investigation. In contrast to the official stance, various history records of the contemporary time testify the validity of Xu Quanlan's reports. Mingshi (明史), the official history of Ming, also disputes the victory of the Ming army. It could be said that the words of the speaking officials served as the last line of defense against the distortion of facts.

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4명청교체기(明淸交替期) 동강진(東江鎭)의 위상과 경제적 기반

저자 : 徐源翊 ( Seo Won-ik )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 53권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 97-139 (43 pages)

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This study examined the establishment process and the cause of existence of Dongjiang-Zhen(東江鎭), which emerged from the complicated situation of the Ming-Qing transition period. After the expedition to Zhenjiang(鎭江) in 1621, Mao Wenlong(毛文龍) came to Joseon(朝鮮) and went into the Jia-Island(椵島). November 1622, where he was stationed DongJiang-Zhen.
The Ming Dynasty expected Dongjiang-Zhen to defend The Later Jin Dynasty and checking The Joseon Dynasty. Joseon continued to live with Dongjiang-Zhen in an uncomfortable way to protect its loyalty to its upper kingdom. Even though Later Jin had found some uncomfortable with Dongjiang-Zhen which was constantly disrupting its own rear of the territory. They'd rather manage this problem with appeasement than they make a aggressive decision, due to its innerstances. As such, each force's view of Dongjiang-Zhen differed depending on its interests, which enabled Dongjiang-Zhen to existence among Ming, Joseon and Later Jin.
Under these circumstances, Dongjiang-Zhen struggle to secure supplies through activities such as Tuntian(屯田) and trade while receiving support from people and Joseon to meet the huge budget of operating a camp.
However the moment right after the first Manchu invasion of Joseon(丁卯胡亂), which was starting to cause the change of situation among the Ming-Joseon-Later Jin led to the collapse of their balance. Therefore Dongjiang-Zhen threatened with its international and economical base and reason why it should be existing. In the end, the Dongjiang-Zhen, which had existed as an overseas military camp for 16 years, disappeared into history as the Joseon-Qing combined forces advanced to the Jia-island after the second Manchu invasion of Joseon(丙子胡亂) in 1637.

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5명청시대(明淸時代) 환경사 연구의 성과와 전망 ― '환경 속 인간'에서 '인간 속 환경'으로 ―

저자 : 李楿紸 ( Lee Hyang-ju ) , 朴敏洙 ( Park Min-su )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 53권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 141-178 (38 pages)

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The purpose of this study is to review the previous scholarship and offer perspectives for future researches on the environmental history of the Ming-Qing in Korean academia. Notably, it attempts to fill the void as there have been barely any critical reviews of pre-existing studies on this topic. The main objects of analysis were the articles registered on the Korea Citation Index (KCI) that covered “humanity within environment” and “environment within humanity.” These articles were classified into the following three sub-categories, namely classifying how humanity were “victims,” “developers,” or “overcomers” in their relationship with the environment.
The best way to adapt to the surrounding environment that had already been disrupted beyond restoration, ironically, was continuing the development and thus holding the status-quo. Human-made development affected all aspects of the adjacent environment, including but not limited to vegetation, animals, and soil. In turn, the environment caused significant changes to the local community, such as the changes seen in the residential pattern, economy, and customs. Following the rapid population growth in the Qing and the ensuing imbalance between the population and resources, an ongoing process of conflict between the newly migrated people and the original local people, the cultivation of barren land, the exploitation of woods leading to the destruction of forests, the erosion of soil continued. Only after the environmental changes resulted in natural disasters did humanity realize the severity of the ecological damage. Through this process of trial and error, the state - among others various level or human-made organizations and institutions - understood the need for introducing a more systematic and organized reaction to the relations between humanity and the environment. Once we expand our scholarly inquisition to include long term environmental changes, we will have a better understanding of the humanity that sees people in a more various and enriched perspective.

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6순치(順治) 연간의 한인(漢人) 이신(貳臣)과 '만한일가(滿漢一家)'의 실상

저자 : 朴一賢 ( Park Il-hyeon )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 53권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 179-213 (35 pages)

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The Erchen, Han Chinese officials who collaborated with the Qing Dynasty, were viewed as disloyal traitors from the middle period of the Qing Dynasty, even though they actually enabled the Qing to control China. In particular, their activities supported the pro-Han policies of the Qing, carried out under the slogan “Manhan yijia(Manchus and Hans are one family).” They also had a significant impact on the Manchu-Han relationship. This thesis aims to examine the reality of this relationship and the slogan underpinning it, focusing on the Erchen during the early Qing Dynasty, especially during the Shunzhi period, which came about directly after the collapse of the Ming Dynasty.
Even before taking over the reins of China, the Qing Dynasty effectively worked to win Ming officials over to its side. Han Chinese officials who submitted to the Qing were able to expand the scope of their activities in the royal court through the organization of the national system. And when Qing's rule began, the Qing set out to foster the loyalty of former Ming officials. The Erchen capitulated to the Qing and engaged in political activities in various fields to consolidate national power and to stabilize Chinese society. Although the Erchen's diverse backgrounds brought about internal divisions and rivalries among them, conflicts between the conqueror, the Manchus, and the conquered, the Hans, were even more intense during this period, and the Erchen were caught up in them.
The Qing Dynasty advocated the idea that the Manchus and the Hans were part of one family, a tenet which emphasized the equal treatment of both, and they sought to employ this philosophy in order to rule China. The Erchen supported this thinking and tried to make it even more convincing. The activities of the Erchen which were supportive of Qing's pro-Han policies showed the possibility of unifying China. However, in reality, the Manchus and the Erchen distrusted each other. The Manchus tried to hold the Erchen in check and control them, and this led to continuous conflicts between the two over the course of Shunzhi's rule. Tensions arose mainly in regard to the interests of the Manchus, and as the ruler of the Qing Dynasty continued to control the Erchen, he took the Manchus's side.
This study examines the Manchu-Han relationship in the early Qing Dynasty, focusing on the role of the Erchen. It finds that there were conflicts between the Manchus and the Hans at that time, which suggests that the goal of the Manchus and the Hans being one family was not realized in reality. It cannot be said that the Erchen's wide range of activities during the Shunzhi period reflected this unifying message. The strict constraints on and control over the Erchen imposed by the Qing demonstrate that its political slogan “Manchus and Hans are one family” was actually used to defend the Manchus' interests. In other words, it actually contributed to strengthening the Manchu's dominance. Therefore, this strand of thought functioned as a dual logic in relation to the Erchen, simultaneously a useful ideology to promote and a mere rhetorical strategy that was not at all reflective of reality.

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7청(淸) 건륭제(乾隆帝)의 황위(皇位) 계승자 결정과 훈정(訓政)

저자 : 宋美玲 ( Song Mi-ryung )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 53권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 215-243 (29 pages)

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Based on how the Emperor Qianlong's succession was determined and how he operated politics after he declared his retirement, the study aims to clarify how Qing Dynasty's succession of succession was transformed. Furthermore, I would like to understand what kind of status the Emperor Qianlong had as the Emperor after the retirement.
The Emperor Qianlong was the first emperor to take the throne according to the system created by the Emperor Yongzheng. However, he felt uncomfortable with the method, and the way he pursued was different from the Emperor Yongzheng's. The Emperor Qianlong made a statement that he would transfer power after revealing who the heir was. The Emperor Qianlong used the successor decision to strengthen the emperor's power, which led to the Regent.
When the Emperor Qianlong stepped down from the throne, he distinguished his role from his successor, and made regulations on it. However, the Emperor Qianlong was possessed and exercised more power than the emperor as the supreme abdicated emperor. Although the Emperor Qianlong did not plan this situation in 1778 or 1795, but it resulted in an extension of his reign.
The succession of the Qing Dynasty changed from the agreement of the various Manchu nobles to the way the emperor named it. the Emperor Qianlong used a link between deciding a successor in secret and engaging in politics after abdication. The reason he didn't disclose his successor is partly to prevent bureaucrats from intervening in the issue and exerting influence. The Emperor Qianlong was more actively involved in the process of deciding heirs than any emperor of the Qing Dynasty. This was intended to intercede to the point where other emperors could not have any influence.

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81877년 장강륙처장정(長江六處章程)과 청정부(淸政府)의 양(洋)·민선(民船) 정책

저자 : 金賢貞 ( Kim Hyun-jung )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 53권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 245-281 (37 pages)

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Due to the Chefoo Convention(芝罘條約) in 1876, the new treaty ports of Wuhu(蕪湖) and Ichang(宜昌), along with Tatong(大通), Anqing(安慶), Hukou(湖口) Wuxue(武穴), Lujikou(陸溪口), and Shashi(沙市) were designated as the six stages on the Yangtze, allowing a temporary anchoring of the steamer. Although it was the Qing government that had foreign vessels bound to the treaty ports, concerns have arisen that the designation of the six stages on the Yangtze may create a loophole in the policy of distinguishing 'foreign' and 'native' vessels. Thus, the Qing government first stipulated in the treaty that since the six stages on the Yangtze belongs to the interior rather than a port of commerce, the steamer should be loaded and unloaded using the native vessels, and not in accordance with the treaty, but the Maritime Customs duty and Likin(釐金) to be paid and independently handled by the local government. This paper analyzes the discussions between the central and provincial authorities in the Qing government surrounding the six stages on the Yangtze after the Chefoo Convention in 1876 and how Qing government controlled and distinguished 'foreign' and 'native' in the new trade environment under the designation of the six stages on the Yangtze.
The main discussion of the regulations of the six stages on the Yangtze was how to control the operation of the steamer in the six stages and how to compensate for the losses by collecting the Customs duty and Likin as well as how to manage and distinguish the treaty ports and the six stages. On the plan of the Hankow Customs(江漢關) for example, the dispatch office of the Maritime Customs were to installed on the six stages for the management and taxation on the steamship, to divide cargo from the six stages to the treaty ports and to impose a difference in taxes on the cargo from six stages to the other stages. But the Customs duty and Likin were to be treated separately and the collected Likin had to be sent to the Likin Office(釐金局) in the province. On the other hand, Robert Hart's plan was to use existing manuals, systems and institutions for each ports and stages, and to register public line for loading and unloading cargo. He was also pessimistic about treating the Customs Duty and Likin separately, insisting that Likin was replenished from the collected Customs Duty. However, Li Hung-chang(李鴻章) opposed Hart's claim to collect the Customs duty and replenish Likin. The Customs duty and Likin should not only be treated separately, but also should not be treated the same as in ordinary terms, since the six stages were the interior as well.
According to the Regulations of the six stages on the Yangtze in 1877, the steamer participating in the six stages were restricted to the river steamers, and only registered cargo-boats were to load and unload cargo. The Customs duty was imposed differently in each case, from stages to other stages, from stages to treaty ports, and from ports to stages. And Likin was to be settled in a lump sum, not supplemented form the Customs duty. In this way, despite the designation of the six stages, the Qing government could restrict the foreign vessels to the treaty ports, manage them separately, while preventing the mix of the Customs duty and Likin.

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This paper is the second in a series of studies on ichthyological knowledge of Dong-Ui-Bo-Gam(『東醫寶鑑』) in early modern Japan, especially focusing ichthyological knowledge of Survey of Joseon's Medical Ingredient(朝鮮藥材調査), conducted on three separate occasions for 30 years(1718-1747) by the Japanese settlement in Joseon(倭館, Wae-Gwan).
The survey of Joeson's medical ingredient started because Yoshimune(吉宗), the 8th Shogun of Japan, had a penchant for Dong-Ui-Bo-Gam. He would like to identify the plants and animals from Tangaek-pyen(「湯液篇」) in Dong-Ui-Bo-Gam. In other words, These three times of survey of Joseon's medical ingredient from 1718 by the Wae-Gwan is a big project of Japan in early modern to figure out products all over the Joseon.
The part of fishes shows that it was not easy to identify precisely them in a practical survey. This problem comes from the entangled intellectual tradition among three countries in East Asia, including in China as well as in Joseon and Japan. These examples are as follow: Snakehead(蠡魚), Mandarin Fish(鱖魚), Bullhead(黃顙魚), Chum Salmon(鰱魚) and Cherry Salmon(松魚). It was much difficult to identify particularly Ricefield Swamp Eel(鱔魚), because Koreans misinformed about it.
It should be mentioned that Dong-Ui-Bo-Gam has an influence on the progress of Natural History in Japan. Emphasizing the impact of Bencao-gangmu( 『本草綱目』), Japanese scholars mentioned rarely about Dong-Ui-Bo-Gam, which however had a profound impact on medical ingredient localization policy by Yoshimune. The Survey of the Medical ingredient in Joseon brought on by Dong-Ui-Bo-Gam was expanded to survey all over Japan, China, and Holland. This work, therefore, served as a momentum to advance Japanese Regional Production Studies and Natural History.
Above all, the most remarkable part of the survey of Joseon's medical ingredient by Japan is that Japanese tried to verify not through the 'text' but through the 'real thing' and the 'drawing', which shows that method of research was converted from auricular one to visual one. In other words, this survey conducted to identify medical ingredients in Dong-Ui-Bo-Gam has changed the research method of Japanese medicinal herbal knowledge. In the progress of Japanese Natural History, earlier study about Bencao-gangmu has been done in the 'auricular-based' traditional method, while study about Dong-Ui-Bo-Gam in the earlier 18th century shows the conversion to the 'visual' method in earnest. This change for thirty years is a very important point in the rapid development of Japanese Natural History from the later 18th century.

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