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The Journal of Korean-Japanese National Studies

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수록정보
수록범위 : 1권0호(2001)~39권0호(2020) |수록논문 수 : 331
한일민족문제연구
39권0호(2020년 12월) 수록논문
최근 권호 논문
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KCI등재

1국제국가 일본의 국제적 역할 모색 연구 -1980년대와 1990년대를 중심으로-

저자 : 조진구 ( Cho Jin-goo )

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 39권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 5-45 (41 pages)

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戦後の日本外交は新たな国際秩序の創出のための理念と構想が欠けていたとの批判を受けてきた。この研究では、戦後最初の理念主導の外交と評された1977年8月の福田ドクトリンの背景と内容を踏まえて、1980年代と1990年代を研究対象にして日本が国際社会でいかなる役割を果たそうとしたのかを歴史的文脈のなかで考察してみた。
1977年8月に発表された福田ドクトリン以降、日本は経済中心の東南アジア外交から脱してアジア太平洋地域へと関心領域を広げていった。また、アジアで唯一にG7首脳会議に参加するようになるまで国際的地位が向上された日本は経済問題のみならず安全保障問題まで積極的に取り組んでいった。日本外交のグローバル化と冷戦の終結という国際環境の変化の中で日本は、PKO協力法を制定して自衛隊を国連平和維持活動(PKO)に参加させるようになった。これを機に日本外交安保の中核というべき日米同盟も変貌し、「国際貢献」という名の下で自衛隊の活動領域も拡大され、日本の防衛政策や防衛力にも大きな変化が見られるようになった。
これらの変化は、日本が単なる経済大国ではなくグローバルな行為者として積極的なリーダーシップを発揮して経済以外に政治軍事的側面で国際社会からの期待や日本自ら自覚した責任と役割とも関連がある。これは、1980年代と1990年代に欧米とともに3極を形成するほど経済的存在感が大きくなったのを背景に推し進められた日本の「大国志向」外交がよく表れていた。そこには一定の成果とともに限界があり、21世紀における日本外交の課題として残されていたと言うこともできる。


Post-war Japanese diplomacy has been criticized for its lack of ideology and initiative to create a new international order. In this paper, I looked at the role of Japan in the international community in a historical context, during the 1980s and 1990s, based on the background and contents of the Fukuda Doctrine in August 1977, which was called the first post-war ideological-led diplomacy,
After the Fukuda Doctrine in August 1977, Japan was moving away from economic-oriented Southeast Asian diplomacy and expanding its areas of interest to the Asia-Pacific region. Japan, an international country whose status has grown enough to participate in the G7/G8 Summit, is the only one in Asia, and it expanded the field of interest to security issues. The US-Japan alliance, which is the core of Japan's diplomacy and security policy, was transformed by the enactment of the PKO Cooperation Act and the participation of the Self-Defense Forces in UN peacekeeping operations amid the globalization of Japanese diplomacy and the end of the Cold War. Under the name of the international contribution, the Self-Defense Forces' field of action has also expanded, and Japan's defense policy and defense capabilities have also undergone significant changes.
These were related to the expectations of the international community and Japan's self-aware responsibility and role in terms of political and military in addition to the economy, as Japan showed active leadership as a global actor rather than a simple economic power. This can be said to be a good example of Japan's “big country-oriented” diplomacy unfolded against the backdrop of the growing economic presence that formed a triad with the United States and Europe in the 1980s and 1990s. There were limitations with certain achievements, and it was left as a task of Japanese diplomacy in the 21st century.

KCI등재

21980년대 일본 보수운동의 형성과 나카소네 교육개혁 -'전후 정치 총결산'의 역사정치적 함의-

저자 : 최은봉 ( Choi Eun-bong )

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 39권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 47-84 (38 pages)

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この研究の目的は1980年代の中曽根康弘内閣の教育改革の特徴と政治的意味を説明するのだ。著者は中曽根の教育改革の二重性と日本社会と東アジアの近隣諸国に対する歴史的、政治的意味を明らかにしようとした。中曽根の教育改革は、保守主義と新自由主義性向を持った中曽根の政治ビジョンと統治スタイルと緊密に連携した。中曽根の「戦後の政治総決算」という政治スローガンは、教育改革を通じて保守主義的新自由主義の総体的改革を達成するための政治メカニズムとして機能した。これにより、中曽根教育改革は、1980年代の日本社会と政治での保守運動を形成する動力の基盤を提供した。1980年代の日本の保守運動は、その後、東アジアの歴史認識に否定的な遺産を残す方向に展開された。


This study examines the key aspects and political significance of the educational reform during the era of the Nakasone Yasuhiro's cabinet in the 1980s in Japan. It focuses on the dual aspects of the educational reform and its historical/political implications for Japanese society and East Asian neighboring countries. Nakasone's educational reform was tightly related with his governing style and his political vision which was characterised as conservative and neo-liberal. This study illuminates that Nakasone's policy slogan of the 'Final Settlement of Post-war Politics' was a political apparatus for the conservative and neo-liberal reform. The author argues that Nakasone's educational reform leads to provide the foundation for the foramative forces of conservative movement in the 1980s' Japanese society and politics. The development of conservative movement in 1980s' Japan results in the negative legacy for the historical perception in the East Asia.

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3야스쿠니 문제의 국제화와 일본의 보수운동 -나카소네 총리의 공식참배 문제를 중심으로-

저자 : 유지아 ( Yoo Ji-a )

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 39권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 85-124 (40 pages)

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本研究は、1985年に中曽根康弘首相が靖国神社を正式に訪問した時期を扱っている。それ以来、靖国神社への靖国首相の訪問の問題は国際的な問題に発展し、保守的な運動につながる。靖国神社問題は東アジアの歴史紛争の重要な問題の1つであるが、1985年までは東アジアの観点から考えることができなかった。そのため、日本政府は1978年に靖国神社に7人のA級戦争犯罪者を合祀した。その後、中曽根首相が正式に靖国神社を訪問すると、国際社会は日本人の歴史観を批判し始め、日本では中曽根首相の靖国神社参拝問題と靖国問題に対する論争が始まった。日本の各新聞では、「近隣諸国への配慮」や「靖国と国際社会」などの表現が見られるなど、靖国問題をもっと真剣に受け止めた。韓国と中国では、A級戦争犯罪者が靖国神社に合祀されると、靖国神社への関心がさらに高まるとうになった。アジア諸国で批判の声が高まるにつれ、靖国神社での崇拝の問題は国際的な問題になった。
一方、1990年代の日本の政治は、冷戦崩壊という国際情勢や、自民党の長期執権の崩壊という国内情勢など、変化の過程であった。中曽根政権は、「戦後政治の総決算決」をスローガンに、敗北により失われたよいところを回復させるという政策目標を提唱した。このような状況の中で、中曽根首相の靖国神社参拝の問題は、国際的にも批判されているだけでなく、国内の訴訟へと広がっている。訴訟の結果は靖国神社の公式訪問の合憲性が疑われるところがあるにも関わらず、申し立てを判断する必要はなく、原告はいかなる権利または利益も侵害されなかったとし、却下された。しかし、靖国訴訟は日本の保守派を団結させた。最終的に、保守議員らは保守議員連盟を結成し、保守運動を開始した。また、他の保守勢力と連帯して、教育の正常化、歴史教科書の編集、新憲法の提唱など、強力な国民運動を展開し、日本の保守化に影響を与えている。


This study deals with the time when Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone (中曽根康弘) officially visited the Yasukuni Shrine in 1985. Since then, the issue of Prime Minister Yasuhiro's visit to the Yasukuni Shrine has developed into an international issue and led to a conservative movement in Japan. The Yasukuni Shrine issue is one of the key issues in East Asia's history conflicts, but until 1985, it was not viewed from an East Asian perspective. Nevertheless, the Japanese government incorporated seven A-class war criminals at Yasukuni Shrine in 1978. Then Prime Minister Nakasone was officially the Yasukuni. And the international community has begun to criticize the Japanese for their perception of history. Therefore, in Japan, the issue of official visit to Yasukuni Shrine by Prime Minister Nakasone and the Yasukuni issue began to be discussed simultaneously. In each Japanese newspaper, expressions such as “caring for neighboring countries” and “Yasukuni and the international community” appeared, taking the Yasukuni issue more seriously. In Korea and China, interest in Yasukuni Shrine increased even more when A-class war criminals were incorporated into Yasukuni Shrine. As the voices of criticism increased in Asian countries, the issue of worship at Yasukuni Shrine became an international issue.
Meanwhile, Japanese politics in the 1990s was a process of transition from the international situation of the collapse of the Cold War to changes in the domestic situation such as the collapse of the LDP(自民党)'s long-term power. The Nakasone regime advocated a policy goal of reviving the good things lost due to the defeat, with the slogan of “the total settlement of postwar politics”. Under such circumstances, the issue of Prime Minister Nakasone's visit to Yasukuni Shrine has not only been criticized internationally, but has spread to domestic lawsuits. The result of the lawsuit was dismissed because there was a suspicion of the constitutionality of the official visit to Yasukuni Shrine, but there was no need to judge the allegation, and the plaintiffs were not infringed on any rights or interests. However, the Yasukuni lawsuit brought the conservatives of Japan to unite. Eventually, conservative members formed a Conservative Parliamentary League and launched a conservative movement. In addition, in solidarity with other conservative forces, it has been influencing the conservativeization of Japan by developing a strong national movement such as normalizing education, editing history textbooks, and advocating a new constitution.

KCI등재

4포로신문*보고서를 통해 본 일본군 출신의 북한군 활동과 북한의 친일파 숙청

저자 : 이상호 ( Lee Sang-ho )

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 39권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 125-161 (37 pages)

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この論文は、北朝鮮軍創設時内部の親日派問題をどのように清算したのか、そしてその過程はどのように行われたかどうかをATISの捕虜に対する尋問の報告書を通じて分析した。学界では、北朝鮮の親日派の清算について、個人の生活習慣に残っている遺物までも徹底的に行われたものと評価している。
しかし、北朝鮮政権樹立以降、実際に親日派の清算に対する具体的な法令が制定されていないことから、北朝鮮の親日派の清算さらに、北朝鮮軍内部の親日派の清算は宣伝に過ぎないことを知ることができる。さらに、既存の研究は、北朝鮮内部の文書をそのまま引用することで、北朝鮮の宣伝論理に従っている危険性もある。
北朝鮮軍内部にも日本軍出身者が多く、特に日本の各種の士官学校出身者たちだけでなく、特殊部隊出身者たちまで存在していることが確認されて、北朝鮮の親日派の清算が、伝えられているように、徹底的に行われたという認識は向上しなければならないだろう。
本論文では連合国翻訳通訳局(ATIS)が行った捕虜尋問報告書を通じて、当時、北朝鮮軍内部に日本軍出身者がどのように存在していたのかを究明しようとした。
極東軍司令部が編纂した「北朝鮮軍捕虜尋問報告書」によると、一部日本軍出身の北朝鮮軍将校と兵士の存在が確認されている。北朝鮮空軍保安隊暗号局に勤めた捕虜の供述によると、北朝鮮空軍の人的構成は大半が日本軍出身であることが明らかになっている。また、北朝鮮軍医務将校のほとんどは、日本の医科大学を卒業して日本軍に服務した後、北朝鮮軍に徴集されて将校として勤務する場合が一般的だった。
また、北朝鮮軍歩兵将校の中でも日本軍将校出身だったにもかかわらず、作戦将校や戦線司令部の作戦参謀として活躍した者も確認できる。結局、北朝鮮軍内部の徹底した親日派粛清という宣伝は、北朝鮮軍捕虜に対する尋問の報告書を通じても事実と違うことを確認することができる。


This paper analyzed how the internal pro-Japanese group issue was settled at the time of the founding of the North Korean military and how the process was carried out through the Allied Translator and Interpreter Section(ATIS)'s Prisoner of War report. Academics say that the liquidation of pro-Japanese group in North Korea has been thoroughly carried out even the remnants of individual lifestyles.
However, given that no specific legislation has been enacted since the establishment of the North Korean regime on the liquidation of pro-Japanese group, furthermore, the liquidation of pro-Japanese group within the North Korean military is nothing more than propaganda. Moreover, there is a danger that existing studies follow the North's propaganda logic by quoting documents inside the North as they are.
As it has been confirmed that there were many former Japanese soldiers inside the North Korean military, especially those from various Japanese military academies as well as those from special forces, the perception that the North's liquidation of pro-Japanese group has been carried out thoroughly, as previously known, should be enhanced.
In this paper, we tried to find out how former Japanese soldiers were present inside the North Korean military at the time through a report by the ATIS.
According to a report compiled by the Far East Command, the existence of some North Korean military officers and soldiers from the former Japanese military is confirmed. According to a statement by a prisoner who worked at the North Korean Air Force Security Command, most of the personnel composition of the North Korean Air Force is from the former Japanese military. In addition, most of the North Korean military conscripts graduated from a Japanese medical school and served in the pre-Japanese military before being conscripted into the North Korean military and serving as officers.
Also, some of the North Korean military infantry officers were former Japanese military officers, but they served as operational staff members of the operational officer or the frontline command. After all, the propaganda inside the North Korean military, called “a thorough purge of pro-Japanese group,” can be confirmed to be different from the truth through the North Korean pow's report.

KCI등재

5해방 후 재일조선인의 생활공간 변용 -오사카 츠루하시(大阪 鶴橋) 일대 '시장화'를 중심으로-

저자 : 박미아 ( Park Mi-a )

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 39권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 163-206 (44 pages)

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大阪は戦前と戦後、そして今日に至るまで在日コリアンの人口が最も多い所だ。その中でも現在の生野区に属する旧猪飼野には初めて朝鮮村が形成され、「日本の中の朝鮮」と呼ばれるほど多くの朝鮮人が集まり、故国での生活風習が延長された。在日朝鮮人を相手に旧猪飼野に存在した「朝鮮市場」は戦後、幸通り商店街に再編され、100年余りの連続性を保っている。
一方、鶴橋駅には大規模な闇市ができるようになり、戦後大阪の主要商圏として成長することになる。日本の敗戦と同時に大挙失業状態に陥った在日朝鮮人は鶴橋の闇市でも日常の食糧を求めて仕事を探した。闇市は日本人や在日朝鮮人、そして台湾·中国系など国籍を持つ人々が戦後の実存的競争を見せる場所だった。
1940年代後半から幸通りと鶴橋は商圏の規模は異なるが、在日コリアンが圧倒的な存在感を示し並行発展していく。そして在日コリアンの戦後史で重要な位置を占めるようになる。この地域での活動は経済活動を通じて在日コリアンの生活圏がより拡大したことを意味する。
解放以前の在日朝鮮人の住居地域は主に鉱山、工場、工事現場の周辺であったり、都市のスラム街など劣悪な環境に集中していた。しかし、植民地支配からの解放後、大規模な失業と大挙帰国によってコミュニティの分離と解体が起こり、このような環境にもある程度変化が起きた。御幸通り商店街があった猪飼野は同一地域の中で内部構造の再編が行われ、鶴橋は新しい職場や住居地に組み込まれる。
既存の在日コミュニティがこのような外的変数によって瓦解したり弱体化したのに対し、旧猪飼野と鶴橋は「市場」を求心点として、むしろ在日コリアンの集中範囲が拡大した結果を示している。徒歩20分以内に位置する両地域が別の点として存在したが、最近は両地域が続く大通りと地域の裏通りも韓国色の強い店舗として増え、線で繋がる傾向がある。この線の上には既存の「オールド·カマー」たちが構築しておいた土台の上に新しく移住してきた「ニュー·カマー」たちの参加も加わっている。これらの地域が在日コリアンの中心地域として連続性を維持したのは市場という機能があったからだ。鶴橋市場や御幸通り商店街は、在日コリアンの歴史を時間的、空間的に多様に綴っている実態的な場所と言える。
日本国内の都市開発の議論と通常商圏の急激な変化により、その影響を受けてきたこれらの地域は存廃の可否まで苦心しなければならなかったが、両国交流の拡大と韓流ブームのおかげで独特の魅力があるショッピングスポットとして文化交流の現場となった。だし、過去の事例から今後の展望まで予測することは難しい。韓日両国の重い歴史的現実が依然として厳存しており、脚光を浴びる裏にはいつでも葛藤の対象になり得るという「両面の刃」という不安定性も作用するためだ。


Since early 1920's, Osaka has been the most populous place of Koreans in Japan(Zainich, 在日). The former Ikaino area, which is now part of Ikuno-ku, is considered the first place to be formed as Korean community. Once it was made, the Koreans in Japan would like to gather here and the community had expanded further. The Koreans tended to extend their lifestyle of homeland and the 'Chosun Market' which existed in the region for Korean residents explained the daily life of the age.
However, the market was not located in the main commercial area because Koreans were not accepted in the area in those days. After the World WarⅡ, the Korean shops and stores could move forward to busy business district which had been evacuated during the war. The area was reorganized and the proportion of Koreans had increased which known as Miyuki-dori shopping district. It is still an active commercial area and it represents its continuity of Koreans in Japan for nearly 100 years.
On the other hand, Tsuruhashi market, which adjacent to this area, grew into a major commercial district under the influence of the black market after the war. The black market was a place of existential competition. Many Koreans in Japan who suddenly lost their jobs also had to fight with it.
Koreans who sought daily food and income had gathered here and shown overwhelming presence. Due to convenient transportation, the market had expanded and developed further.
After the war, many Korean communities all over Japan were dismantled and reorganized, however the former Ikaino and Tsuruhashi remained in the process of transformation. Since these two areas contain important 'market' which means center point for Koreans in Japan.
Commercial districts of Miyuki-dori and Tsuruhashi are different in size. In the present day, Tsuruhashi is a lot bigger than Miyuki-dori and The Japanese as general public have less information about Miyuki-dori. The two areas are located within 20 minutes of walking distance, the back alleys of the two areas along the boulevard are also filled with Korean color, so they seem to be connected by lines.
The drastic change is taking place in conventional commercial districts and these places are no exception. Once reached a recession, soon they became unique shopping attractions after the Korean Wave boom. However, it is still difficult to predict future prospects of these areas. The historical reality between Korea and Japan still exists and behind the spotlight is the instability of a double-sided blade that could be a subject of conflict at any time.

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本稿では1980~90年代の在日朝鮮人社会における高麗人に対する関心と具体的活動を確認し、在日朝鮮人と高麗人を通してコリアン·ディアスポラの可能性を研究する。
1980年代後半、米ソ冷戦構造の終息という世界史的流れに、在日朝鮮人社会では高麗人と関連したさまざまな活動を展開した。1987年に創刊された在日朝鮮人の雑誌『民涛』は、ロシアと中央アジアの高麗人をはじめとし、第三世界に関する談論を提示し、文学をはじめとするさまざまな活動を通じてディアスポラ的連帯を試みた。
文化的には本国と居住国の伝統が結びついた高麗人の文学をあらわすことで、ディアスポラの再領土化が浮彫りになる。さらに、サハリンの歴史的·地理的特性を活用した緩衝地帯としての役割を提示し、超国家的連帯の可能性を示している。
在日朝鮮人と高麗人の交差を通して、国家と領土を越えた連帯を確認することができ、国家をまたぎながら全世界に広がるコリアン·ディアスポラの可能性と多中心的なグローカリズムを確認することができる。


This thesis verifies the interest and concrete activities related to Korean residents in Russia and Central Asia in the society of Korean residents in Japan of the 1980~1990s, and also researches the possibility of Korean Diaspora through Korean residents in Japan and Korean residents in Russia and Central Asia.
With the world-history flow in the end of American-Soviet Union cold war structure in the late 1980, the society of Korean residents in Japan started all sorts of activities related to Korean residents in Russia and Central Asia. A magazine for Korean residents in Japan called 『MINTO』 published its first issue in 1987, presented discourses related to the Third World including Korean residents in Russia and Central Asia, and also attempted the Diasporan solidarity through all sorts of activities including literature.
Culturally, showing the literature of Korean residents in Russia and Central Asia, combined with traditions of native country and resident country, the re-territorialization of Diaspora is shown. Moreover, it also shows the possibility of transnational solidarity by presenting the roles of Sakhalin as a buffer zone utilizing its historical/geographical characteristics.
Through the crossing of Korean residents in Japan and Korean residents in Russia and Central Asia, this study verified the solidarity transcending nation and territory, the possibility of Korean Diaspora expanding to the whole world regardless of nation, and also the multi-centric glocalism.

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7근대 조선에서의 조선인 비행사들

저자 : 김지원

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 39권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 247-284 (38 pages)

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8菅義偉, 『政治家の覚悟』, 文藝春秋, 2020年10月

저자 : 최영호

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 39권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 285-303 (19 pages)

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1연안해역에서 석유오염물질의 세균학적 분해에 관한 연구

(2006)홍길동 외 1명심리학41회 피인용

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