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국방대학교 안보문제연구소> The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA)

The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA) update

  • : 국방대학교 안보문제연구소
  • : 사회과학분야  >  정치/외교학
  • : KCI등재
  • :
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 반년간
  • : 1229-3601
  • :
  • : KNDU Review(~2005)→The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA)(2006~)

수록정보
수록범위 : 1권0호(1996)~25권1호(2020) |수록논문 수 : 310
The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA)
25권1호(2020년 06월) 수록논문
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The global impact of the COVID-19 pandemic at all levels of Society has demonstrated that the old, state-centric models of security are insufficient to address the contemporary threat environment. Likewise, the roles played by the disease and by government responses to it in generating conflict, reveal that a sustainable peace requires far more than the management of conflict and preventing state from going to war with each other. The focus of the article is on the security and peacebuilding implications for East Asia (including the Northeast and Southeast Asian subregions), which has been considered the most westphalian region in the world (that is to say, the region most wedded to traditional, state-centric conceptualizations of security, threat, and peacebuilding). This article considers first, therefore, the traditional state and sysyem-centric approadches to security and peacebuilding which continue to dominate East Asian peace and security discourese and practice. It identifies the shortcomings of these conceptualizations in the contemporary operating environment, especially with regard to the rise of new security chaalenges, and with a particular focus on the current COVID-19 pandemic. It then offers policy prescription based on critical, reflectivist, and socailly constructed interpretations, and the opportunities. afforded new actors to contribute to the construction of comprehensive security and a sustainable peace in the region.

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This article is mainly to explore the implementation of the 9/19 Inter-Korean Military Agreement and arms control, indispensable for the transition to an inter-Korean peace regime for the denuclearized Korean Peninsula and peaceful permanent coexistence of the two Koreas considering the unusual and unique division of the Korean Peninsula. The main purpose of arms control on the Korean Peninsula is to maintain peace and promote peaceful unification by resolving military tensions between the two Koreas. To achieve this aim, the two Koreas should develop arms control into a structural configuration that conforms to the efforts towards the peace treaty and the operational one that reduces military threats, such as the dismantlement of North Korea' the two Koreas should development programs as well as massive conventional forces, based on Confidence Building Measures (CBM) in the military. Discussions on arms control and a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula should determine the pace of these discussions vis-a-vis North Korea's denuclearization. South Korea's military should preemptively prevent North Korean provocations and minimize damages in the event of a conflict with the implementation and verification of these agreements.

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During the last couple of years, there has been several perilous developments happened in and around the Korean Peninsula that has worsened crisis stability in the region. North Korea has modified and strengthened its nuclear arsenal through a series of various types of missile tests. The abrogation of the INF Treaty by the US and Russia in August 2019 opened the door for dangerous nuclear arms race and the change of nuclear approach toward escalate-to-deescalate tendency with fielding of low-yield nuclear devices. Strategically similar South Asia's assertive and provocative nuclear posture and force deployment by India and Pakistan have made the region an extremely dangerous place where a calamitous event is waiting to happen. Under the circumstances, maintaining or restoring crisis stability is extremely daunting task. One of the key principles is to never give Kim Jong Un any reason to pre-delegate his nuclear use authority. The utility of nuclear weapons should also be re-evaluated: warfighting, limited strike, escalate-to-deescalate, etc. are all extremely prone to crisis instability.

KCI등재

4Extended Deterrent Effect of China and Its Implications for the U.S.-N. Korean Nuclear Negotiation

저자 : Jin Myoung Lee

발행기관 : 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 간행물 : The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA) 25권 1호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 74-95 (22 pages)

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This article examines whether China's extended-deterrence is reliable over its military allies or trading partners. I argue that China under authoritarian regime and limited deterrence policy is unlikely to provide its military allies or trading partners with credible extended-deterrence. Employing the logit regression analysis on enduring rivalry data set, I have found that military or economic ties with China are less likely to inhibit conflicts for the period of 1950-2000. In theory, the results imply that retaliatory threats of China to protect its military allies or trading partners are unlikely to be credible because of its limited deterrence policy and its authoritarian leaders who do not face harsh consequences for deception, ultimately putting an end to their political careers. The findings have significant practical implications. During the Cold War and afterwards, rather than remaining loyal to its allies, China has willfully joined the U.S. bandwagon to achieve rapid economic growth and military build-up. In the lack of its alliance credibility, China is unlikely to facilitate N. Korea to undergo complete denuclearization, even more clarifying N. Korea's motivation to develop nuclear weapons and missile capabilities as a deterrent purpose for national security. Accordingly, the U.S. can find itself a primary determinant for the successful nuclear bargain with N. Korea, at least not in conclusive support of China.

KCI등재

5Wartime Durability of the US-led Coalition of the Willing*: The Case of the 2003 Operation Iraqi Freedom

저자 : Kuyoun Chung

발행기관 : 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 간행물 : The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA) 25권 1호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 96-116 (21 pages)

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This research investigates the condition under which the coalition of the willing has sustained during the 2003 Iraqi War. While the existing literature emphasize the role of domestic factors that determines the durability of the coalition, this paper argues that considering the capability-based defense approach of the US, it is necessary to understand the role of military capability of a coalition partners that is aligned with US operational needs in wartime. Empirical analyses also supports the relevance of this variable, which necessitates the future direction of coalition security cooperation in the future warfare.

KCI등재

6The Challenges and Opportunities of ASEAN and Taiwan regarding the MSRS of China

저자 : Taewan Kim

발행기관 : 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 간행물 : The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA) 25권 1호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 117-147 (31 pages)

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The Maritime Silk Road Strategy (MSRS) is one of two main pillars of the Belt and Road Initiative of China. The South China Sea, which is surrounded by ASEAN countries, is the key area of the MSRS because it provides a crucial link between the Pacific and Indian Oceans. Therefore, China has to achieve a dominating influence over the Sea in order to successfully perform the MSRS. This strategy provides challenges and opportunities to ASEAN countries and Taiwan. These countries are put in a difficult position due to their territorial disputes with China on the Sea and need for economic investment from Beijing for national economic prosperity.
This research scrutinizes what the MSRS exactly is on the South China Sea and its implications to ASEAN and Taiwan using my politico-economic model and China's national goals. Strategic suggestions for ASEAN, Taiwan, and China follow. These countries should increase the opportunities and decrease the challenges that may arise from China's MSRS. In the economic dimension, countries should capitalize on economic opportunities by cooperating productively and effectively with China by using the MSRS. At the same time, they should sustain diversification of their trade partners so as not to depend too much on the Chinese economy. In the political dimension, intensifying intra-regional cooperation and augmenting partnerships with the U.S., Japan, and relevant nations of the Indo-Pacific rim would contribute to discouraging China's political ambition.

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