간행물

한국국방연구원> Korean journal of defense analysis

Korean journal of defense analysis update

  • : 한국국방연구원
  • : 사회과학분야  >  정치/외교학
  • : KCI등재
  • : SSCI,SCOPUS
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 계간
  • : 1016-3271
  • :
  • :

수록정보
수록범위 : 1권1호(1989)~30권4호(2018) |수록논문 수 : 781
Korean journal of defense analysis
30권4호(2018년 12월) 수록논문
최근 권호 논문
| | | |

KCI등재 SSCI SCOPUS

1Demystifying the U.S.-ROK Command and Control Structure: How “OPCON Transfer” Can Advance the Unity of Effort on the Korean Peninsula

저자 : Chad R. Nishizuka

발행기관 : 한국국방연구원 간행물 : Korean journal of defense analysis 30권 4호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 455-473 (19 pages)

다운로드

(기관인증 필요)

초록보기

The “transfer of wartime OPCON” from the United States to the Republic of Korea, in conjunction with the termination of the obsolete Armistice Agreement, may provide a unique opportunity for the Alliance to simplify and streamline its command and control (C2) processes. The C2 structure in South Korea is complicated by the coexistence of four distinct theater-level commands, the ROK Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS), United States Forces Korea (USFK), the Combined Forces Command (CFC), and the United Nations Command (UNC), all of which have a unique command structure and set of objectives. As the ROK continues to grow stronger, both economically and politically, the four commands are experiencing increasing difficulties synchronizing competing government policies. The U.S. and ROK governments' aptitude to address policy differences have a direct impact on the ability of the four commands to achieve their end-states, both individually and as a cohesive unit. This paper demonstrates that through the reorganization of the Combined Forces Command and the elimination of conflicting responsibilities emanating from the United Nations Command, the U.S.-ROK Alliance could become more formidable by increasing simplicity, the unity of command, and the span of control of the current C2 structure.

KCI등재 SSCI SCOPUS

2Balance of Dependence: The Making of North Korean Foreign Policy under Kim Jong Il

저자 : Seongji Woo

발행기관 : 한국국방연구원 간행물 : Korean journal of defense analysis 30권 4호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 475-492 (18 pages)

다운로드

(기관인증 필요)

초록보기

The foreign policy behavior of North Korea remains puzzling to many observers to date. This article aims to explain Pyongyang's foreign behavior between 1995 and 2011 with a concept called the balance of dependence. Although it stood on the brink of collapse in the 1990s, the North Korean regime defied the odds and survived with the help of neighboring countries, namely South Korea, Japan, China, Russia, and the United States. This article intends to explain Pyongyang's foreign policy under Kim Jong Il by focusing on how it deliberately built a portfolio of dependence on its neighbors. I argue that North Korea's foreign behavior had been attuned to the rise and fall of assistance from other nations. It sought to disperse its dependence among a host of potential sponsors in order not to be exclusively reliant on a single donor state, fearing restrictions on its political autonomy. As long as its neighbors are willing to help out, Pyongyang will continue to play one sponsor off the others while making progress with its nuclear and missile programs.

KCI등재 SSCI SCOPUS

3North Korea's Transition of Its Economic Development Strategy: Its Significance and the Political Environment Surrounding the Korean Peninsula

저자 : Sukhoon Hong , Yunyoung Cho

발행기관 : 한국국방연구원 간행물 : Korean journal of defense analysis 30권 4호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 493-512 (20 pages)

다운로드

(기관인증 필요)

초록보기

With the PyeongChang Winter Olympics and Paralympics as an impetus, the two Koreas and the United States have cast diplomatic maneuvers incessantly to devise a peaceful solution to the North Korean nuclear issue and the Korean Peninsula issue overall. Recently, the inter-Korean Summit and DPRK-U.S. summit resulted in the signing of the Panmunjeom Declaration and the Joint Statement in Singapore after talks for North Korea's complete denuclearization and the peace regime on the Korean Peninsula. In addition, Pyongyang declared that the byungjin line was successfully carried out and announced that the state will focus on “economic construction.” Nevertheless, the Kim Jong Un regime's credibility and resolve for denuclearization are the preconditions for peace and prosperity of the Korean Peninsula.
In this sense, this article commences with two research questions: Why has the Kim Jong Un regime changed its economic development strategy, departing from the previous byungjin line?; and How can we understand North Korea's changes in a national policy? Most of all, this paper will analyze the influence of North Korea's transition to an “economy-first” strategy this year on the politics of the Korean Peninsula and discuss the South Korean government's strategy regarding North Korea for peace on the Korean Peninsula in the future.

KCI등재 SSCI SCOPUS

4An Analysis on the Effect of the International Sanctions on the Trading Patterns of North Korea: Focusing on the Gravity Theory

저자 : Yong Ki Jung , In Sue Kim , Taeyong Yang

발행기관 : 한국국방연구원 간행물 : Korean journal of defense analysis 30권 4호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 513-532 (20 pages)

다운로드

(기관인증 필요)

초록보기

Since the two North-South Korean Summits on April 27 and September 18, 2018, the relationship between the two countries is thawing at a neck-breaking pace. And the media is busy churning out optimistic forecasts about the reunification of the two Koreas. However, as the governments of South Korea and the United States have officially stated, the lifting of sanctions on North Korea can be considered only after an agreement between the related countries on denuclearization is reached. Also, considering the fact that denuclearization itself is a lengthy, stepwise process that takes years, it is likely that the lifting of sanctions would happen in line with progress on denuclearization.
Therefore, what is important at this point is to link the momentum of conversation with tangible achievements directly relevant to denuclearization of the North and progress in the inter-Korean relationship. Another key factor is the ability to keep monitoring the development of the situation in order to identify the expectable risks with North Korea and manage them in an efficient manner.
In this perspective, it would be meaningful to analyze how the sanctions that have been initiated by the UN Security Council since 2006, MTCR, NSG, WA, and other international export control systems have affected the trading patterns between North Korea and other countries to show whether the efforts of the international community have actually paid off. At the same time, this would allow us to examine the changes in the patterns of the trade of strategic materials, which is a sensitive matter in the international theater and expect the future direction of development in this matter, which gives more weight to the topic of this study.
For this, the author analyzed the trade patterns between North Korea and its key trade partners, which account for more than 95 percent of the total trade volume, using the gravity model that is one of the most representative theories of international trade. Also in this study, the author analyzed the effect of sanctions on trade due to the sanctions imposed by the UN Security Council and the international export control system.

KCI등재 SSCI SCOPUS

5Debating Security in Japan

저자 : Titli Basu

발행기관 : 한국국방연구원 간행물 : Korean journal of defense analysis 30권 4호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 533-557 (25 pages)

다운로드

(기관인증 필요)

초록보기

Since the post-war era, understanding Japan's security rhetoric and actions presented certain incongruities. While the constructivist arguments underscore that the influence of post-war antimilitarist norm shaped Japan's security behavior, it contradicts the realist underpinnings influencing Japan's choices. To understand Japanese post-war security orientation and comprehend the rapidly unfolding policy shift, this paper explores three sets of questions: firstly, what are the competing schools of thought in the Japanese security debate? What are their core arguments on key issues including Article 9 of the Constitution, potency of the Self-Defense Forces (SDFs), nature of the U.S.-Japan alliance and historical narratives of Japan's past? What are the inter-school and intra-school fault lines? Secondly, what are the drivers that propelled the dominance of each school at different time frames? How does the factional power struggle in the domestic political landscape enable each school to maximize their space and influence in the current security discourse? More specifically, why did mercantilists remained the dominant political force throughout the Cold War? In contrast, what led to normalists gaining momentum and substituting mercantilism as a potent force in the post-Cold War period? Thirdly, how have political elites pursued their competing agendas and critically analyze the case of Shinzo Abe? What are the influences that shaped his values? What are the methods he employed to pursue his ambitions of making Japan a “normal” nation? And how did he consolidate his political strength and manage to realize concrete policy objectives?

다운로드

(기관인증 필요)

초록보기

China has a long coastline of approximately 18,000 kilometers and hence an extensive continental shelf as well as an EEZ. Its coastline is said to be the tenth longest coastline in the world. The total sea area in the China Seas is about 4.7 million square kilometers. Despite these advantageous circumstances in geography, China failed to become a maritime power like Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands and the UK. So it remained a land power for a long time except when Zheng He, the great seafarer in Chinese history, led the greatest ocean-going fleets of the world of that time, sailing to the Pacific and Indian Oceans during the years of 1405-1433. As a result, China suffered foreign invasions several times from the sea, being defeated in the Opium War as well as at the Sino-Japanese War in the nineteenth century.
It is only natural that China has opposed the traditional freedom of the seas claimed by the maritime powers since the foundation of the People's Republic of China in 1949. When China took part in all the third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS III) sessions, its policy and position on the major issues were almost identical with those of the developing countries: creeping jurisdiction policy. With regard to the breadth of the territorial sea, China supported and complied with the 12 nautical mile territorial sea. It has established straight baselines since it proclaimed territorial sea in 1958. Also it argued that several disputed islands were its territories by the 1958 declaration as well as by the 1992 law on the territorial sea. China's policy on the law of the sea, however, might change dramatically in accordance with the general trends of the law of the sea. China ratified the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (LOSC) in 1996, 14 years after signing it. Thus China has committed itself to developing its domestic laws and regulations on maritime affairs in accordance with the 1982 LOSC and to meet the demands and changed circumstances in the use of oceans.
Given the foregoing, this paper attempts to provide China's policy on the territorial sea in the context of its change in the law of the sea. To be more specific, it examines relevant issues on the breadth of the territorial sea, baselines as well as innocent passage of warships in terms of U.S.-China relations, with special emphasis on the comparison with Korea's relevant policy on the law of the sea.

KCI등재 SSCI SCOPUS

7Balancing Relations with China and the United States in the Backdrop of the CPEC, Pakistan in Catch-22

저자 : Muhammad Khurshid Khan

발행기관 : 한국국방연구원 간행물 : Korean journal of defense analysis 30권 4호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 577-595 (19 pages)

다운로드

(기관인증 필요)

초록보기

It is always a risky affair, especially for a weak state to strike the right balance while dealing with two great powers having serious conflicting interests in a particular region. For a country like Pakistan which remains dependent on foreign aid, running an independent foreign policy seems quite difficult. While Pakistan's relations with China continued to remain smooth throughout history, its relations with the United States has been more of a roller coaster than a smooth ride but still both could never be too apart from each other because of various compelling reasons. Currently, China and Pakistan are extensively engaged in promoting their mutual economic and strategic interests that go against the U.S. interests. Therefore, in the case of a possible conflict between United States and China, Pakistan might be trapped in a catch-22 because it cannot afford to infuriate the United States beyond certain limits. In such a trap, staying neutral might be even riskier. Slow and steady change in the status of Gilgit-Baltistan beyond a certain level for promotion of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) would also be a serious trap. Pakistan could afford to lose economic benefits of the CPEC but it cannot afford to give up its claim over Kashmir which remains the “lifeline” for its survival. Pakistani Generals fighting on exterior fronts must therefore, make smart moves to ensure that at no stage should Islamabad be compelled to put all its eggs in one basket.

KCI등재 SSCI SCOPUS

8Vietnam's Bilateral Defense Diplomacy with Major Powers

저자 : Hoang Hai Ha

발행기관 : 한국국방연구원 간행물 : Korean journal of defense analysis 30권 4호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 597-618 (22 pages)

다운로드

(기관인증 필요)

초록보기

The paper explores the development of Vietnam's bilateral defense diplomacy with world and regional powers including the United States, India, and Japan, with a particular focus on the period from 2009 to 2018. The paper finds that Vietnam's multidirectional defense diplomacy is fundamentally shaped by its historical experience, the contemporary shift in the balance of power and the strategic challenges caused by China's emerging power. By pursuing a multi-polar balance among major partners, Vietnam avoids being pulled into their rivalry, and keeps its non-alignment as well as strategic autonomy. The international defense cooperation has become further deepened and more substantive to satisfy Vietnam's strategic interests including national security, territorial integrity, economic development and regime legitimacy. However, domestic and geo-strategic constraints, and asymmetrical economic interdependence with China lead this paper to suppose further challenges in the future of Vietnam's defense diplomacy.

1
권호별 보기
가장 많이 인용된 논문

(자료제공: 네이버학술정보)

가장 많이 인용된 논문
| | | |
1연안해역에서 석유오염물질의 세균학적 분해에 관한 연구

(2006)홍길동 외 1명심리학41회 피인용

다운로드

2미국의 비트코인 규제

(2006)홍길동심리학41회 피인용

다운로드

가장 많이 참고한 논문

(자료제공: 네이버학술정보)

가장 많이 참고한 논문

다운로드

2미국의 비트코인 규제

(2006)홍길동41회 피인용

다운로드

해당 간행물 관심 구독기관

연세대학교 고려대학교 Leiden University Waseda University 한국외국어대학교
 43
 41
 31
 14
 14
  • 1 연세대학교 (43건)
  • 2 고려대학교 (41건)
  • 3 Leiden University (31건)
  • 4 Waseda University (14건)
  • 5 한국외국어대학교 (14건)
  • 6 서울대학교 (11건)
  • 7 이화여자대학교 (10건)
  • 8 American University Library (8건)
  • 9 을지대학교 (7건)
  • 10 성균관대학교 (5건)

내가 찾은 최근 검색어

최근 열람 자료

맞춤 논문

보관함

내 보관함
공유한 보관함

1:1문의

닫기