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수록정보
수록범위 : 1권0호(1994)~96권0호(2018) |수록논문 수 : 1,266
군사논단
96권0호(2018년 12월) 수록논문
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19·19 남북군사합의 이행진단과 군비통제 추진방향

저자 : 정경영 ( Chung Kyung-young )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 96권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 19-48 (30 pages)

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Controversial argument related to Sep 19 South-North Military Agreement is not getting waning. In spite of meaningful agreement for military confidence building measures(MCBMs) and prevention of accidental military confrontation on the Korean peninsula, opposing groups insist that the agreement impose severe constraints on the ROK forces' surveillance, reconnaissance, and early warning and abandon Northern Limit Line.
The paper conditionally argues that the ROK forces should never allow the North Korea forces to take military provocations and to attack the south by the robust ROK-US military posture and the ROK forces should play a peace regime building role for a unified Korea.
The paper addresses theoretical reviews for arms control, then, assesses the South-North Military Agreement. The paper also examines the misunderstanding through the status of the agreement implementation and facts check.
Finally, the paper will make policy recommendations for arms control consisting of further military confidence building measures, and operational and structural arms control including rigorous compliance with the agreement by exchange of Taekwondo martial art, search and rescue exercise, unarmed aerial surveillance flights over no-fly zone under the auspices of the Inter-Korean Joint Military Committee, proportional strength reduction, redeployment of offensive weapons such as long-range artillery and mechanized units.
The MCBMs will greatly contribute to achieving a unified Korea along with North Korea's denuclearization.

2남북 군사합의에 대한 평가와 정치 -전략적 대응방안

저자 : 박창희 ( Park Chang-hee )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 96권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 49-71 (23 pages)

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Evaluations on the 9·19 military agreement have shown great discord in our society. Some support it with much expectation on improvement of South-North relations and establishment of peace regime on the Korean peninsula. They think that North Korea now has shown sincerity on denuclearization as its leader promised to international society, and that, if well implemented, the agreement will contribute to the peace and stability on the peninsula. Others, however, with discredit of North Korean regime, raise concerns on the possibility of security instability that the agreement will bring about. Considering the past behaviors of North Korea, Kim Jong-en regime can use the agreement as a political tool, and, if it does not satisfy compensation, change its attitude for denuclearization at any time.
Overall, the pros and cons on the military agreement have their own logic and reason, whose differences are not matter of right or wrong but that of viewpoints―optimism or prudence. It would be inappropriate, therefore, to be indulged in the wasteful debate on whether the military agreement is valid or not. Rather, at this point, it would be more important to contemplate how to implement the items that already consented between the South and the North, and search for future strategy preparing for additional consultations with the North afterwards. We should make every efforts of confidence building and arms control measures to shape current situation more favorable to the peace on the Korean peninsula. For that purpose, it is recommendable to approach the agreement with big picture and more balanced way. That is, we should avoid the fault to be buried in the tactical-operational level of logic, and instead take a comprehensive view in the political-strategic level. Also, we should seek strategic measures considering both dangers that the pros overlook and possibilities that the cons do not expect in the 9·19 military agreement.

3선진국의 군(軍) 정보조직 운영사례를 통해 본 한국군의 정보조직 발전방향

저자 : 이용식 ( Lee Yong-sik ) , 임종운 ( Lim Jong-woon )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 96권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 72-105 (34 pages)

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It is now in the fourth industrial revolution of super-intelligence, super-connection, and super-large data transmission through the era of simple computer and internet. Developed military forces are operating various intelligence collection systems to seek the advantage of information in the enhancement of military forces.
The characteristics of the U.S. military intelligence system are organized and operated by eight military intelligence agencies, led by the Director of Defense Intelligence(DIA). The intelligence service areas handled by each agency are clearly divided as SIGINT's task is NSA, Satellite management's NRO, IMINT's NGA. In addition, the each military has established and operated IMINT and SIGINT collection systems that support each military operation using basic intelligence(like Meta data) provided by NSA and NGA.
The Japanese Self-Defense Forces are operating an intelligence gathering system that completely matches the operational characteristics of each military. In order to recognize the intrusion of the enemy's aircraft or vessels, missiles in advance, the Self-Defense Forces are operating a SIGINT system. In particular, the Air Self-Defense Force operates the COMINT and ELINT systems together to monitor call between the pilot and controller to track the number, type and path of intrusion aircraft. In addition, Japan DIH will carry out tasks such as COMINT, ELINT, FISINT, IMINT, and HUMINT among a handful of elite people.
Therefore, the Korean military also needs to develop an intelligence collection system and organization to support each military as a specialized minority considering the geographical situation on the Korean Peninsula and the intelligence collection system of advanced countries. When primary information collected and utilized by each military is transmitted to the Intelligence headquarters, data obtained by various means and data produced through the secondary convergence analysis should be returned to each military. Intelligence dominance is a key factor in future warfare. The South Korean military should establish and build a concept of surveillance inspection for the operational environment of the Korean Peninsula so that it can monitor the entire peninsula at all times.

4한반도 평화통일 과정에서의 한미동맹 관리방안

저자 : 홍성표 ( Hong Sung-pyo ) , 최승우 ( Choi Seung-woo ) , 장광현 ( Chang Kwang-hyun )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 96권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 106-132 (27 pages)

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In terms of human-being's long history, reunification of Korea has a right reason to be come true, based upon the principle of one nation one state. It is because of that South and North Korea has well preserved common nation character, language, custom, food and culture despite of recent 70-years national division.
South Korean people's opinion is revealed as quite optimistic in a public opinion census on the reunification of Korea. South Korean people expect reunification is born-natural, coming soon with dominant role by the Republic of Korea. South Korean people willingly welcome the burden sharing of the reunification. That means they want to unify the country keenly.
Peaceful reunification of Korea is possible when it gets support of international community. Because Korean peninsula has been a focal point of four major powers' interests. Particularly, the United States of America, China and Russia directly related to the division of Koreas, therefore they will not support the unification unless they are fully confident of their national interests. So, it is required for us to spread out the benefits of the unification to the world. It is also required for persuading other international groups including the European Union, the British Commonwealth, the African Union, the Union of South American Nations, and ASEAN.
The ROK-US alliance has been a central axis for the ROK's security and economic growth for last 70 years. It became a great model of bilateral alliances in the world. The ROK-US alliance has been mutually beneficial for both countries, and has great potential for international cooperations in the future. Based on 70 years accumulated know-how, the ROK and the US should strengthen the alliance further by continuing the development of cooperative measurements for the future. The two countries should pay more attention to their national actors for strengthening the precious alliance by mobilizing all the available contributors not only government organizations but also non-government organizations.

5미국의 남중국해 '항행의 자유 작전'과 중국의 대응이 주는 전략적 함의

저자 : 김덕기 ( Kim Duk-ki )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 96권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 133-159 (27 pages)

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The purpose of this paper is to find out the strategic implications of US Freedom of Navigation Operations(FONOPs) in the South China Sea and China's response strategy. In recent years, the cause of military tension in the South China Sea related to US FONOPs and China's respond strategy lies in US-China's global hegemonic strategies stemming from hegemonic competition in the world, not merely military competition. This paper found the following conclusions.
First, the United States will continue to support the Obama administration's 'Pivot to Asia Strategy' and the Trump Administration's 'Into-Pacific Strategy' to strengthen control in the Asia-Pacific region, including the South China Sea. Second, China will respond to the US with a 'Strategy to Grow into a Big Country' based on the 'One Belt and One Road' and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank(AIIB) strategies that encompass all areas of politics, economy and diplomacy. Third, the United States recognized that the potential threats to sea lines of communications(SLOCs) in the South China Sea are widespread, ranging from pirates, maritime terror to emerging competitors like China, and will further strengthen the FONOPs in the region.
Fourth, the 'Sea Silk Road' strategy based on 'One Belt and One Road' strategy to connect major SLOCs including the South China Sea will continue to clash with US FONOPs. Lastly, the United States is in the position that the FONOPs can be available in the EEZ of other countries. On the other hand, China has the position that it can have exclusively exercise sovereign rights and jurisdiction over EEZ except for some freedom of navigation in the high seas. This difference position between the United States and China is bound to cause conflict.
In conclusion, Republic of Korea should express its position on the timely issues related to national vital interests related to US-China conflict over the FONOPs. In the South China Sea issue, even under the confrontation between the United States and China, Seoul must be able to respond with the principle without any hesitation, and we can secure our position in the long term. The ROK government should recognize that disputes arising from the FONOPS in the South China Sea can have a negative impact on our national economy and security, and should cooperate to resolve them peacefully.

6미국의 국방개혁 과정에서 조직정치가 합동성 강화에 미친 영향 - 미 합참의 기능과 역할을 중심으로 -

저자 : 황선남 ( Hwang Sun-nam )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 96권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 160-188 (29 pages)

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While all three military branches―Army, Navy, and Airforce― understand and sympathize with the necessity of strengthening their jointness through defense reform in order to construct a strong military force, irrationality is inherent in the process of organizing the military structure. To explore what these problems are, we paid attention to Jeffrey Pepper and Gerald R. Salancik's resource dependency theory and analyzed the concept of “organizational politics” to explain the irrationality of the defense reform process.
The influence of organizational politics on strengthening the jointness of US forces is as follows. We found that organizational defects, which are caused by everyday organizational politics, are closely related to operational failure during wartime.
In the case of the US military, where the size of each military branch is almost the same, fierce competition with other military branches for the benefit of one's own, rather than that of the public, had a negative effect on strengthening the jointness.
These cases are most prominent in the Vietnam War. In the Vietnam War, the pursuit of excessive organizational politics by each group led to pursuit of self-interest and mutual competition with other groups. Since then, this phenomenon has continued until the Goldwater-Nichols Act was enacted.
The US congress enacted the G-N Act to limit organizational politics and strengthen jointness. The G-N Act strengthens all aspects of the Joint Chiefs of Staff's authorities and the integration of military branches. The US military's jointness became strengthened through restricting individual military branch's organizational politics, as Unified action in the upper structure could be carried out more flexibly under the command of Joint Chiefs of Staff. Meanwhile, Joint Chiefs of Staff's cooperation with each military branch supports Unified Command. This strengthens military operability so that the result of the Unified action could be realized in the substructure. As a result, the Combatant Commander today becomes a central point of Unified action and is able to carry out the war.

7북한 비핵화 전망과 한국의 과제

저자 : 류호국 ( Ryu Ho-kook )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 96권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 189-213 (25 pages)

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Since the 2018 Winter Olympics in PyeongChang, the security situation on the Korean peninsula has been changing rapidly. North Korea and the US-North Korea summit, and the expectation that the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula could be realized, is putting a mood of thawing.
North Korean leader Kim Jong Eun pointed out that there is no reason to possess nuclear weapons if military threats are resolved and North Korea's system security is guaranteed, and proposed a summit for inter-Korean summit.
but, three summit talks and six summit talks with North Korea in Singapore have been conducted to date, but they have failed to find clear results and consensus in the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. It is a historical thing that the two Koreas, who have been hostile to each other for 70 years, have had three summits only in one year.
Nevertheless, the 9.19 Pyongyang Joint Declaration has reaffirmed the "road to denuclearization". At present, it is difficult to predict the future of the North Korean nuclear issue, and it is expected that it will take much effort and time until the complete denuclearization is achieved.
In this article, we will try to objectively examine whether North Korea can easily give up its nuclear weapons and the sword and sword that it has accomplished for decades. To do this, we first examine the necessity of denuclearization of the Korean peninsula, the hidden intentions and strategies of North Korea, and anticipate the process of achieving denuclearization. In addition, we will identify the issues to be solved until the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula is realized from the perspective of political security and suggest future directions.

8국내정치 엘리트와 비핵화 선택에 관한 연구 - 남아공, 리비아 사례와 북한에의 적용 -

저자 : 정상혁 ( Jung Sang-hyuk )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 96권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 214-235 (22 pages)

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The purpose of this study is to analyze implication of domestic politics process and nuclear disarmament, focusing on South Africa and Libya cases. Commonly, we regard nation's nuclear abandonment decision as a rational choice which based on calculation of profit and loss. But it is difficult to understand all nation's choices, such as DPRK. So, in order to investigate nation's decision exactly, it is needed to disassemble nation's government and analyze domestic politics. There are numerous actors which have own profit and belief of each organization in the political structure system. So that, the main point of this article is to assess domestic politics of South Africa and Libya in the nuclear disarmament decision, which ultimately gives some implications for the North Korea nuclear case. Also, this study argues probability of application to North Korea nuclear disarmament.

9한국 병역제도의 발전방향 연구 - 외국 병역제도 사례들의 SWOT 분석을 중심으로-

저자 : 최현우 ( Choi Hyeon-woo ) , 강원석 ( Kang Won-seok )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 96권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 236-255 (20 pages)

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Since the establishment of the Korean government in 1948, the conscription system has been adopted and it has been maintained to date to take into consideration the actual security threats of North Korea, the potential security threats of neighboring countries such as Russia, Japan and China and the geopolitical conditions of the Korean peninsula.
There is a lot of discussion about the introduction of volunteer military system as an alternative to the qualitative development of combat power, but there are real difficulties to consider when introducing volunteer military system. In addition to understanding the internal and external environments of Korea, we tried to seek lessons from SWOT analysis of the military service system in other countries and its process and backgrounds and tried to utilize them in discussing the transition of military service system of Korea.
In this study, we analyzed the case of Spain, which has recently been changed to volunteer military system, and Japan, which has been enforcing volunteer military system after World War II, and Turkey, which has maintained the conscription system. Based on this, we tried to set the foundation for discussing the transition of military service system of Korea. By analyzing the internal and external environment of each country separately, we analyzed what was the strength, weakness, opportunity, and threat in enforcing the military service system. In the early 21st century, Spain succeeded in instituting a volunteer military system based on economic growth and political development along with stability of external security environment. Japan armed forces were disbanded by compulsion after World War II defeat. But the army was filled by introducing a volunteer military system because the necessity of strengthening the defense force was increased due to the intensification of the Cold War system including the Korean War, and the public negative awareness on the conscription system was dominant. Turkey has a strong conscription system due to public support for conscription and extreme threats of national security.
Korea satisfies certain conditions of nations instituting volunteer military system but we came to the conclusion that it is too early to enforce volunteer military system because securing defense budget and military service resources is weakness and current security threat is serious. However, in the near future, efforts should be made at the national level to meet various prerequisites such as improving the economic level and reducing the threat of security on the Korean peninsula, aiming at stable volunteer military system.

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1연안해역에서 석유오염물질의 세균학적 분해에 관한 연구

(2006)홍길동 외 1명심리학41회 피인용

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2미국의 비트코인 규제

(2006)홍길동심리학41회 피인용

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2미국의 비트코인 규제

(2006)홍길동41회 피인용

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