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The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches

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수록정보
수록범위 : 1권0호(1996)~117권0호(2018) |수록논문 수 : 1,378
중국사연구
117권0호(2018년) 수록논문
최근 권호 논문
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1거연한간(居延漢簡)에 보이는 전한시기(前漢時期) 하서변경(河西邊境)의 정황(情況)

저자 : 김경호

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 117권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 1-34 (34 pages)

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本文主旨考察、理解邊郡的特殊性, 圍繞邊境地區河西四郡的漢朝與匈奴的關係. 居延簡牘資料中記述的內容是可以理解當時河西邊境的詳細實情和戰爭實況的第一手資料, 可以對史書的內容進行再探討, 也有助於重新理解漢與匈奴的關係. 從漢初到武帝時期, 對匈奴一直採取的是以“妥協”與“讓步”爲中心的和親政策. 但武帝建元六年(BC.135)拒絶匈奴的和親提議, 漢在這一地區設置武威、酒泉郡, 成爲新領地. 通過設置郡縣來完成的征服地的實際支配, 需要採取相應的後續措施. 此種措施不僅可以保證河西邊境的安定, 同時也意味著郡縣支配的擴大. 目前, 我們可以通過居延或是敦煌等地出土的漢簡內容, 來考察河西地區實施的郡縣支配的實際情況. 據漢簡的相關記錄可知, 出身於關東地區的人到河西地區戍邊, 或是從事開發作業的戍卒, 都是通過田卒的職役得以實施的. 作爲先行措施, 河西邊境地區的“徙民”是戍卒, 或是負責履行田卒職役的人. 在邊境徭役中, 最高難度的徭役便是參與和匈奴的戰爭. 分析目前出土於西北邊境的以《居延漢簡》爲代表的《居延新簡》、《額濟納漢簡》、《敦煌漢簡》等資料可知, 記有大量與匈奴的戰事情況. 可以從這些出土資料的記錄中確認的內容是記有交戰內容的簡牘年代與《漢書》記錄的交戰時期--從武帝到宣帝後期, 王莽時期到後漢初初期等大體一致. 另外, 有關戰爭規模. 最基層組織--烽燧或是管理烽燧的候官記錄的交戰情況都屬於小規模戰爭.
綜上所述, 在河西地區的與匈奴的交戰持續至宣帝後期(BC.55), 此後河西戰事終了, 直至由於王莽的强硬對外政策再次導致戰事, 這一地區都處於無戰事的和平期. 圍繞河西地區的局勢變化對日後漢朝的政策變化産生影響, 幷且對河西邊境防禦體系和河西社會也産生相應影響. 這一時代背景成爲後漢時期被稱爲“河西出身豪族”逐漸成長的背景.

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2당대(唐代) 사서(赦書)에 보이는 '오역(五逆)'의 의미(意味)

저자 : 정병준

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 117권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 35-54 (20 pages)

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從唐五代文獻中可以看到多種多樣關于'五逆'的用例. 卽包括'十惡五逆'在內的'十惡大逆', '十惡忤逆', '十惡叛逆', '十惡五逆已上', '十惡叛逆已上', '五逆十惡'等等. 這其中'十惡五逆'指的是十惡反逆, 卽十惡中的謀反大逆(謀反‧謀大逆). 而'十惡大逆'與'十惡忤逆'則可認爲是十惡五逆的誤寫.訖今爲止的硏究中, 關于五逆的用例考察多局限于'五逆'的字面意思. 但是如果'十惡五逆'與'謀反大逆'的意味相同, 則可考察的用例數量將會有很大增幅. 卽包括現有的14或12個用例在內, 實際上可以査找到的用例約有26個. 幷且'謀反大逆'的記述以肅宗時期爲分水嶺, 換成了'十惡反逆'(記錄上爲'十惡五逆'). 張海峰因陳俊强解析的用例不明確, 提出了12個用例的個人見解, 但幷沒有考慮到'十惡五逆'具有相同意味的用例'謀反大逆', 具有很大的局限性.

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3당(唐)의 대남조(對南詔) 정책(政策)과 천보전쟁(天寶戰爭)의 발발(勃發)

저자 : 염경이

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 117권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 55-79 (25 pages)

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"天寶戰爭"記載說, 天寶戰爭是南詔在750年(750年)攻擊唐爆發的戰爭,由於當時唐邊臣張虔陀驕暴貪殘導致了南詔叛唐. 對此, 近來有人說, 戰爭的爆發不是因爲邊防的某官員不良管理引起的, 而是由劍南節度使章仇兼瓊等劍南使節們主導的.
天寶戰爭爆發的根本原因是由於唐王朝企圖對南詔實行强制政策加以控制, 幷不是由章仇兼瓊, 鮮於仲通等劍南使節們主導的. 因爲當時章仇兼瓊向唐玄宗上奏攻取吐蕃安戎城之策, 使唐玄宗非常高興才被提拔爲劍南節度使. 唐玄宗任命鮮於仲通爲奪取南詔和吐蕃的主帥. 爲了對南詔實行强制政策加以控制, 因此任命鮮於仲通爲劍南節度使.
根本原因是因爲唐對南詔采取强硬政策. 當時南詔幷不是唐的對手. 但是唐考慮到吐蕃國力强盛對南詔影響很大, 所以很難對南詔實行强硬政策.盡管如此, 唐仍然相信卽使對南詔和吐蕃實行了强制政策, 唐也會取得勝利. 當時唐已經攻克了兩國重要的要道石堡城和安戎城,因此確信有足勾的軍事力量. 唐攻打南詔爨蠻之時, (天寶8年10月)唐再次攻克了石堡城, (天寶8年6月)之後, 反證了這一點.
由於唐周圍複雜的國際關系, 使得唐扶持南詔. 開元19年, 突厥軍事將領闕特勤死亡, 緊接著毗伽可汗也被毒死, 所以唐加强了對突厥的控制, 最終瓦解了突厥. 另外, 唐對東北方向的契丹和渤海采取的强制政策也取得了很大的成功. 隨著唐控制了東北地區, 唐也可以安心地對最南端的南詔采取强硬的措施和軍事打擊.
卽天保戰爭幷不是由張虔陀個人的無理行爲或壓迫殘害百姓引起的. 另外, 章仇兼瓊, 鮮於仲通鮮等劍南使節們對南詔實行强硬的統治政策致使戰爭産生的原因也說不過去. 反爾, 唐對東北方向的契丹和渤海采取的强硬的軍事政策取得的勝利, 使唐決定對南詔也實行相同的政策. 而劍南使節們只是遵從指示實施政策而已. 因此引起了南詔百姓對張虔陀的反抗情緖.

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4당대(唐代) 홍려사(鴻臚寺)의 외교기능(外交機能)을 통해 본 고구려(高句麗)의 국제성(國際性) 검토(檢討)

저자 : 우성민 ( Woo Sung Min )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 117권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 81-134 (54 pages)

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The diplomacy of the Tang Dynasty reached the prime of ancient Chinese diplomacy. The increase of its diplomatic activities led to more foreign affairs, which were organized and developed by its diplomatic office, the Hong Ryeo Department(鴻臚).
The scope of diplomatic affairs in the Hong Ryeo Department of the Tang Dynasty was so extensive and detailed that it organized and hosted polo sports games from Persia.
It served a series of diplomatic functions that the current Foreign Ministry officials in charge of foreign envoys have, including the protocol for the reception and escorting of foreign envoys, distinguishing country-specific ranks of the arriving foreign envoys, receiving and delivering diplomatic documents submitted by the foreign envoys, manners at an imperial reception, receiving of tribute, hosting a banquet, managing guest house and food, treating diseases among foreign envoys, funeral rituals, arranging and supervising activities for the foreign envoys, interpreting and translating, and acquiring foreign information.
Historical materials regarding the Hong Ryeo Department of the Tang Dynasty confirm that the diplomatic functions of the Hong Ryeo Department were equally applied to its neighboring countries such as Koguryo(高句麗), Baekje(百濟), Silla(新羅), Wa (倭國), Japan(日本), Balhae(渤海), Tibet(吐蕃), Kyrgyzstan(堅昆), Turkic(突厥), and Uighur(回紇). In particular, it should be noted that the diplomatic relations between the Tang Dynasty and its neighbors progressed on a reciprocal and equal footing. However, some recent Chinese studies have not interpreted Koguryo as an independent country.
In this paper, I present some diplomacy and protocol examples of the Hong Ryeo Department that were implemented in its neighboring countries. Subsequently, I emphasize on their implementation in Koguryo during the Han-Tang period, just as they were implemented in other neighboring countries.
In the process, I discovered that Koguryeo also had a government official equivalent to the Hong Ryeo Department of the Tang Dynasty, called Balgochuga(拔古鄒加), which was in charge of the diplomatic affairs regarding the Tang envoys. I also learned about the existence of a special guest house for the diplomatic envoys of Koguryeo and of an ancient interpreter named Tongsha(通事), who interpreted in diplomatic scenes between Koguryeo and the Tang Dynasty. Furthermore, I found a case that demonstrates that the Tang Dynasty had a special respect for Koguryeo compared to other countries.
These examples will serve as a useful basis for reaffirming the internationality of the relationship between Koguryeo and the Tang Dynasty.

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5계미자본(癸未字本) 『사시찬요(四時纂要)』의 간행과 조선농업(朝鮮農業) ―기후환경과 계시(計時)를 중심으로-

저자 : 최덕경

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 117권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 135-177 (43 pages)

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出土的“癸未字本”四時纂要”是早於現存“重刻本”180多年的最早版本.這是塡補了唐代和宋代農業的一本非常重要的農書, 盡管傳統農業書籍使用起來很不方便, 但“四時纂要”內容豊富, 以月令的形式組織良好, 因此,在農業管理中易於應用, 農民在農業准備時可以更加高效.
特別是“四時纂要”包含了唐代農業和農民的日常形象, 因此可以探究唐朝時期南北朝文化是如何變化的, 具有非常的價値.
自高麗時代以來, “齊民要術”和“四時纂要”一直很受歡迎. 問題是存在風土問題. 衆所周知, 朝鮮王朝的氣溫很冷, 比唐王朝低了約2℃. 因此, 主要問題是朝鮮王朝是否有效地應用唐代的農書. 當然, 接受其他地區的文化和新品種幷不容易, 因爲通常會以風土爲借口. 另一方面, 農書中的先進技術被采納, 國家也直接勸說推廣先進的農業技術. 其中, <日出沒圖>可能是希望根據日出和日落來設定勞動時間, 接受根據時間生産幷工作的習俗.
當然, 在現實條件和風土克服上, 也有不能積極應對的. 這就是爲什麼在朝鮮出版“四時纂要”的觀點來看, 播種時間推遲了一個月左右. 這是朝鮮有意識積極應對氣候的結果. 這與在唐代出版“四時纂要”幷在較冷的時代出版的“齊民要術”的不同有差異. 唐沒有認識到當時的氣候差異. 與此同時, 朝鮮沒有無條件地向農民强制推行新技術. 在傳播之前,當局首先對其進行了測試幷確認其是否有利, 然後再將其分發給農民. 這表明其目的是通過出版農業書籍和新的農業政策來克服現實問題. 之後, 根據朝鮮特別發現的“四時纂要”版本, 我期待進一步硏究唐代農業及其日常生活如何在整個東亞進行傳播.

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6근대(近代) 중국(中國)의 박람회(博覽會) 인식(認識)

저자 : 김경혜 ( Kim Kyeong Hye )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 117권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 179-206 (28 pages)

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Since the Qing government lost the Opium War, it faced internal and external problems to build a modern state and escape from the invasion of Western powers. As Western countries recognized the exposition as a prerequisite for successful modernization, they competitively held a fair to show off their technological civilization or to show off their superiority as an imperial state running a colony. Japan's Meiji government also participated in most Western fairs and held their own exhibition because it recognized that the exhibition was a very important device for the construction of modern industrial countries and a tool for enlightenment of the people.
In contrast, the Qing government rejected requests from all over the world to participate in the Expo, treating it as just a 'no-good thing'. Hasebong, who has continued to research modern East Asian fairs, described China as a 'participated' country, not the first 'participate' country in East Asia. China's participation in the fair was not based on the will of the government. China's participation in the exposition was not voluntary or proactive at the government. Why did the Qing government take a passive, or negative attitude toward the fair, without showing active interest in it, such as in the West and Japan?
Exposition is a place where civilization interacts and communicates with each other around economic exchanges. A successful exhibition requires the development of a commodity economy, followed by political support and a social atmosphere. At that time, however, the situation in China was not so at all. As Western countries boasted of their advanced technical civilization, China was still in the pride of being the best in the world with its traditional handicrafts. Because this attitude lasted for a long time, the Chinese couldn't find what they could get from the fair.
This research is a study on how China understood and accepted the Expo, a symbol of modernization in Western countries. This paper looked at the images of the exhibition left by modern Chinese, focusing on the diary of the diplomat, the record of attending the expo, and the travel journal left by individuals. And it looked at how their records affected the changing attitude of the government toward the fair.

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7청말(淸末)의 상해(上海) 격치서원(格致書院) : 시대 변화와 그 한계

저자 : 장의식 ( Chang Ui Shik )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 117권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 207-242 (36 pages)

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Shanghai Polytechnic Institute, Gezhi Shuyuan was founded through the cooperation of Chinese and westerners in 1874 to spread the western scientific knowledge to China. Gezhi, 格致 means science and technology. The British minister in Shanghai, Medhurst(麥華陀) made the first motion to estalbish it, and it was supported by the donation of some Chinese and westerners.
The fact that most of the fund for the institute to spread the western natural science and technology to China was supplied by the high officials of China like Li Hongchang symbolized the change of the era. Shanghai Polytechnic Institute was different from the Chinese traditional private academy, shuyuan. Most of the private academies in Ch'ing were supported by the government, with the principal, Shanchang(山長), appointed through the recommendation of high officials like governor or educational minister of a province and paid by the government. Almost all matters of the academy were arbitrarily decided and treated just by the principal.
To the contrary important matters of Shanghai Polytechnic Institute were implemented through the discussion of board of directors publicly elected, and the board was composed of Chinese and westerners from the first time. This system was new and strange to China.
Shanghai Polytechnic Institute was also different from other traditional academies, in that it was just dedicated as an educational and cultural place where various educational and cultural activities like lectures, experimentation, and exhibition of the western scientific knowledge were carried out, with all kinds of religious activities excluded. It was successfully became a national institute, by not setting any kind of limit on the qualification for the entrance nor entrance examination. It had been managed on the stipulated regulations before it was reestablished into Gezh Middle School in 1914. Especially the financial condition of the institute was stipulated to be reported in detail to the board of directors by the chairman or the financial director, which was a public and democratic operation that was not easily found in China. Some other Gezhi Shuyans were founded in other regions taking after this institute.
In spite of the significance and modernity of the Institute, it was not always developed smoothly. Medhurst's original plan of operating it by membership system, and the plan of taking everyday class system in 1879 was not able to be realized. No student applied to the institute because of burden of the tuition. The new schools of the time paid the highest salary to the foreign teachers without exception, and students were supplied with free education, dormitory with food and some cost of living, which was possible fore it was supported by the government revenue. Christian missionary schools that were financially supported by their christian orders were also better in situation.
Realizing that they could not recruit students who would attend class every day, they requested the circuit of the government to test the students and prized the best students from 1886. This was called Keyi, 課藝, which was similar with the 'Kaoke' 考課 of the traditional Shuyuan. However, the contents of the test was completely different from each other. This system was useful in some sense because it called the officials' attention to the institute.
This system was stopped in 1895 because of the criticism that it was impractical and inefficient. Fryer started a new method, a Study meeing for West Learning, 西學會講 from the summer of 1895. Students selected and studied one of the 6 west learnings such as mining, electricity, account, architecture, machinery and manufacturing for themselves, and then had meetings to discuss what they had studied by exchanging questions and answers in every Saturday evening.
But they soon had difficulties mostly because of the lack of students' competence in mathematics. So Fryer gave 15 mathematical problems every week, and mainly solved the problems for the students in the next Saturday. 30 or 40 students regularly attended the study meeting and received a kind of certificate when they passed a test after a month's study. 10 students received certificate until 1896 when Fryer departed to America, and then 34 more received the certificate. Study meeting for mathematics was lasted by his son and Lu Rentang(陸仁堂) after Fryer went back home, and Chemistry Study meeting was also added.
However, the achievement and significance of Shanghai Polytechnic Institute should not be overestimated. The westerner that played a real director of the board was just Fryer, and the institute was practically operated by the Chinese directors of the board. After a key director, Xu Shou took charge of the finance of the institute, he almost monopolized the management of the institute.
After he died in 1884, his sons succeeded to his role as a key Chinese director. After 1911 Revolution, the land, buildings and everything in it were made to be the possession of the westerner directors to be sold, and then it was reestablished as Gezhi Middle School in 1914. The fund of the institute, around 16,000 yuan was returned to the Chinese directors to be treated, but Xu Hwafeng was made to keep on taking charge of it and operating Gezhi Jiaoyu, which proves Fryer's statement in 1885 that the institute became the private possession of Xu Shou's family was not exaggeration.
Shanghai Polytechnic Institute was an ambitious project which was promoted through the cooperation of China and the West. It truly made a considerable contribution to the spread of the western scientific knowledge. It incited a fresh influence on the Chinese education in various aspects such as the operation, educational contents, and educational methods.
However, it had a limit difficult to overcome, so that the original project was not able to be realized. As Fryer said, few people knew the advantage of scientific knowledge, and it was almost impossible to secure the expense for the operation of the institute, and it was very hard to find out a good teacher. The ideal was frustrated by the real. Shanghai Polytechnic Institute is a representative example exposing the change and the limit of the era at the same time.

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1941年太平洋戰爭爆發后,雖然日本主要兵力向南方前進部置后,屯駐在滿洲的關東軍對于蘇聯交界的滿洲領域制作了細密的軍事絶密地圖. 卽使太平洋戰爭爆發后,關東軍仍在制作這些地圖的理由是什么呢? 爲了査明這事,在本稿上,自從幕府末期,日本的知識分子和軍部的蘇聯認知考察后,對于日本心理上害怕蘇聯的原因和制作地圖的關系進行了分析. 特別是所藏在美國議會圖書館的關東軍所制作的滿洲軍事絶密地圖和若門罕事件爲中心,進行了分析.
日本感覺到俄國南下政策的威脅,在軍部也把俄國當成了假想敵國,主張了需要充實地准備戰備. 但是經過若門罕事件,經歷了最初的近代戰爭以后,更爲擴散了對于蘇聯的恐懼,无法不進行徹底的報復戰爭. 日本通過制作地圖,對于防御蘇聯集中精力的理由是因爲以日本的軍備現狀看來,判斷了利用地形的戰爭是最有效的. 因此,爲了構成利用地形來對付蘇聯的作戰,加上爲了克服若門罕事件以后的恐懼,詳細的地圖制造是非常重要的.

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91933年 만주국(滿洲國) 페스트의 유행(流行)과 방역활동(防疫活動)

저자 : 전경선

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 117권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 275-307 (33 pages)

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本硏究是通過1933年在滿洲地域發生的鼠疫防疫活動, 探究滿洲國初期防疫體系的內容和特.
1933年夏, 在首都新京附近的農安發現眞性鼠疫的疫情. 之後, 逐漸向周邊地域擴散, 威脅到了主要滿洲都市. 滿洲國政府應該立卽積極地采取防疫措施, 但因爲建國初期不能系統地構築防疫體系.
滿洲國政府的防疫活動是民政部主管. 鼠疫發生後, 民政部下達了對新京特別市公署以外各省公署以訓令、指令等形式的防疫工作指示. 而且滿洲國初期的防疫活動是依據「共同防疫暫時辦法」,由日滿兩國的共同執行. 所以關東軍、關東廳、在滿日本大使館和滿鐵的日本方面, 與滿洲國的兩國關系者參與和組織的日滿共同鼠疫防疫委員會分掌著各機關的防疫業務, 開始了防疫活動. 其中滿鐵是擔任鐵道防疫的, 因爲北滿鐵道在蘇聯管轄下, 所以以北鐵的南部線的防疫也由北鐵承擔了. 就是說關於1933年的鼠疫的防疫活動因爲建國初期的未備的防疫體系和在滿洲國內的複雜的政治關系共同地作用下, 滿洲國政府不能單獨行使防疫權.
此次鼠疫的防疫活動, 最値得關注的就是滿鐵. 滿鐵在滿洲國建國前就開始參與鐵路附屬地的經營, 幷在滿洲發生鼠疫等傳染病時主導防疫工作. 在此次防疫指示下, 滿鐵承擔的防疫業務是鐵道防疫. 滿鐵是鼠疫感染地帶的通要, 鄭家屯及洮南的四洮線是鼠疫感染的集中地區, 爲了隔離從鼠疫的傳染, 實施了對乘客和攜帶物品的檢疫. 可是, 滿鐵的防疫活動畢竟是在隔離鼠疫的擴散到了鐵道附屬地的.
綜上所述, 1933年滿洲國的鼠疫防疫活動成爲了今後構建永久性鼠疫防疫體系的重要契機. 但是在實施防疫活動的過程中, 滿洲國不能完全行使防疫主權. 而且最優先對治外法權地區―附屬地進行防疫的滿鐵突出的存在, 顯露了不自然的獨立滿洲國的局限.

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10辛亥革命硏究的拓 展與深化: 評梁壽 華著『革命先驅 -基 督徒與晩淸中國革 命的起源』

저자 : 호우지에 , 왕멍멍

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 117권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 309-315 (7 pages)

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