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한국군사학회> 군사논단> 인간중심 국가안보: 새로운 안보 현실에 대응하는 안보 패러다임

인간중심 국가안보: 새로운 안보 현실에 대응하는 안보 패러다임

Human-Centric National Security in Strong States: A New Paradigm for Contemporary Security Reality

장진섭 ( Jang Jinseop Ph. D. )
  • : 한국군사학회
  • : 군사논단 97권0호
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 2019년 03월
  • : 210-238(29pages)

DOI


목차

Ⅰ. 서 론
Ⅱ. 인간중심 국가안보의 분석틀
Ⅲ. 결론 및 정책적 함의

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When the Cold War ended, the international community had high hopes for global peace and security. However, such optimism has been shaken by a series of grave crises, including terrorism, ethnic cleansing, epidemics, and nuclear crises. These new threats are mostly human security threats that pose national security risks even to strong states. Thus, the demand for human security by security consumers - i.e., citizens - has skyrocketed, while national security institutions’ supply of human security has not satisfied this demand, largely due to the traditional orientation of national security towards “regime-centric security.” Although the concept of “human security” developed by the United Nations provides a useful starting point, current definitions of human security have serious limitations that have kept human security out of mainstream discussions about strong states' national security. This separation is both illogical and impractical, because not only has the public demand for human security increased, but the potential role of the public in security processes has also grown. Recognizing these new realities, this paper reconsiders both human security and national security, bringing the “human” back into the study of national security while also incorporating the state as a critical institution for human security. The resultant new framework, “human-centric national security,” has three dimensions: security of humans, for humans, and by humans.

UCI(KEPA)

간행물정보

  • : 사회과학분야  > 정치/외교학
  • :
  • :
  • : 계간
  • : 1229-1609
  • :
  • : 학술지
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 1994-2019
  • : 1284


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1한미동맹과 연합연습

저자 : 권안도

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 97권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 4-8 (5 pages)

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2이스라엘의 사이버 안보전략과 한국에의 함의

저자 : 김강녕 ( Kim Kang-nnyeong )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 97권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 11-42 (32 pages)

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This paper is to analyse Israel's cyber security strategy and its implications for the ROK. To this end the paper is composed of 5 chapters titled introduction; the concept of cyber security and the growing security threats; the cyber security strategy of Israel; the implications of the Israeli cyber security strategy to the ROK; and conclusion. The Israeli government recognizes the importance of cyber security and puts it at the center of national security policy. Israel's cyber security ecosystem consists of government, military, business and university. The reason why Israel is a cyber power can be summed up as ①the efficient use of personal resources, ②the military service that makes it self-confident, ③the development of power based on the three-factor experience, and ④the development of a four-fusion weapons system. Israel's cyber security strategy gives significant implications regarding ①the increased efficiency of military education to foster personnel for cyber security, ②the establishment of joint civil, governmental, military, military, military, academic and academic responses to cyber crimes, and war, and the enhancement of synergy, and ③the readjustment of laws and systems related to cyber security. Today, cyber security threats are seen as leaks and spread of national secrets and personal information, realization of direct attacks on infrastructure control systems, and the rise of hacktivism with political and social purposes, and in South Korea, the threat of North Korea from the division of the two Koreas is added. In short, we should continuously improve and reinforce the systematic improvements such as the enactment and revision of related laws, the reinforcing of joint responses at national level, the establishment and activation of information sharing system, the development of infrastructure through industrial development and human resources development, and the securing defensive measure by strengthening research and development, etc.

3미국의 국방재조직 추진과 한국군의 지휘구조의 변화 연구

저자 : 임윤갑 ( Lim Yoon-kap )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 97권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 43-65 (23 pages)

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The Korean Armed Forces has strived to transform Defense Policy and Structure since 1980s. In 1988, the Ministry of National Defense issued Defense transformation plan called 'The 818 Plan', which became turning point for the Korean military so far as the jointness was concerned.
However the Korean Navy Vessel 'Chonan' sunk by North Korean's attack in March 2010, subsequently North Korea opened artillery fire attacks over the YP island on November. At that time, Korean Military was not able to respond effectively and efficiently, the people raised doubts on capabilities and capacities of Korean Armed Forces. These incidents accelerated the necessity for the defense transformation which was not materialized and the Government issued new defense transformation plan, 'Defense Transformation 307' in 2010.
Whenever the transformation plan was put on the table, it could not get the momentum not only because the military inherently prefer continuity to change but lack of substantial understanding on the transformation issues. Furthermore, Korea has been facing North Korean threat since 1950, they weight organizational stability than operational flexibility in order to keep status quo more stable.
In these context, I would not argue regarding defense transformation plans, but review how the US Defense transformation has been changed and what the historic contexts are to do so, especially focused on 'Goldwater-Nichols Defense Reorganization Act' which made the most sweeping change to the US Department of Defense. then look into command structure at strategic level such as roles and responsibilities of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, civilian control issues right after the World War II and the change of chain of command.
On the contrary, when it comes to the Korean defense transformation history, I would simply focus the main contents of the plan then finally recommend alternatives for the command structure at national and strategic levels based on the lessons learned from US defense transformation.

4한반도 중심축 통일국가 건설을 위한 동맹과 다자안보 병행 추진전략

저자 : 정경영 ( Chung Kyung-young )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 97권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 66-104 (39 pages)

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It is imperative for Korea to draw lessons learned from incessant invasions, Japan's colonization, and the division of the peninsula as a scape goat of power politics due to Korea's lack of diplomatic and security power.
The transitional security environment requires that the ROK-U.S. alliance's identity should be transformed from management of the division of the Korean peninsula to building a peace regime on the peninsula. The regional security order should also be shifted from confrontational to cooperative by establishing a unified Korea.
The Republic of Korea should pursue parallel diplomacy between alliance and multilateral security for shaping a stable security structure on the peninsula as well as in the region.
The ROK-U.S. alliance should be revitalized by the upcoming transition of wartime operation control, with US forces in Korea acting as a stabilizer and the United Nations Command holding a supervisory role in the event of signing a peace treaty.
In the meantime, the ROK needs to proactively establish a regional multilateral security cooperation regime by creating a nuclear-free zone along with the denuclearization of North Korea, signing a peace treaty among the Two Koreas, the U.S. and China, and creating a regional response Task Force in order to cope with transnational threats such as natural disasters and terrorism.
The ROK should also make every effort to reinforce mini-multilateralism. Examples are the ROK-U.S.-Japan Military Collaboration, ROK-U.S.-China Strategic Talks, collaboration between the Two Koreas, China & Russia for the new Korean peninsula economic initiative, cyber cooperation and peace enforcement operations and finally the ROK's participation in the India-Pacific Strategy in order to manage potential threats from neighboring countries.
Factors including the ROK government's superb strategy in improving relations between the Two Koreas, international cooperation, the will of the Korean people and the military's determination will collectively enable the Two Koreas to build a unified Korea as a pivot state in the region within this generation.

5일본의 끝나지 않는 해양 영토 분쟁 - 독도 문제와 일본의 도서방위전략 -

저자 : 김진형 ( Kim Jin-hyung )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 97권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 105-125 (21 pages)

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Recently near the Eastern Sea of Korea, Japanese maritime self-defense patrol aircraft flight caused a threat between Korea and Japan military and that sparked a military tension. Throughout history, Korea and Japan faced diplomatic issues such as Japanese imperial army comfort women issues, forced workers during the Japanese colonization period and more. The incident between Korea's destroyer and Japanese maritime self-defense patrol aircraft nearby Eastern Sea of Korea is military tension. However, this incident is growing far beyond merely a military tension but is now facing a diplomatic problem which is making the relationship worse. Some experts analyze that the incident happened nearby the East Sea of Korea is Abe's party policy to make generalization turning into great military that are directly related to his political motives. This issue is not simply about between the Korean Navy and Japanese maritime self-defense patrol but it is related to the proper ownership of Dokdo, Japanese maritime territory in the East Sea and Japan's perimeter defense policy. After all, it is about neighboring countries' maritime jurisdiction. Last year, the Japanese government released “Defense Planning Outline” and “Mid-term Defense Power Planning” stating that aircraft carriers remodeling and other attack weapon possession right controversial issues were included in the reports. For this purpose, the defense budget was set at 27 trillion yen, the largest ever, over the next five years. It can be seen as an attempt to secure justification for the Japanese maritime self-defense forces' military activities in the middle waters between Korea and Japan, where the boundary has not been agreed, and to recognize the need for self-defense forces at home and abroad. Dokdo's strategic value and Korea and Japan's claims factual historical evidence are present in the dissertation. Based on this, justifying for the territorial rights is going to be confirmed. In addition, the dissertation will present the impact of Japan's defense policy and defense strategy on Korea and how to respond to our maritime security.

6급조폭발물(IED)과 한국군 대응체계의 효율성 제고방안 고찰 -전·평시 軍의 예방·대응 체계를 중심으로-

저자 : 김성진 ( Kim Sung-jin )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 97권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 126-157 (32 pages)

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Conventional terrorism was a means of propaganda, incitement and mass destruction to achieve political and religious purposes, but new terrorism is indiscriminately executed to an unspecified number of people. Especially, Korea has been designated as a terrorist target country by boosting the anti - Korean sentiment of international terrorists due to the activities of international peacekeeping forces. 10 out of 3,119 domestic incidents were caused by IED.
The purpose of this article is to redefine the perception of the IED, which made the US, which has state-of-the-art equipment, strongest army, and professional staff, struggling in the war on terrorism. In addition, by comparing and analyzing the response system of major countries, it is necessary to enhance the effectiveness of prevention and response by recognizing the necessity of reinforcing detection, identification, discovery, elimination ability, education and training system, and integrated response system for IED. The scope of the study is to grasp the concept of IED terror and its actual situation and to raise a practical countermeasure.
In this paper, IED is used as an independent variable, the Korean response system is used as a dependent variable, recognition, response strategy, response organization and mission performance system, As a parameter.
It is saddened that IED-related research has been in a state of rampant since it began in 2008. Therefore, we intend to re-emphasize the strategic and operational concepts of IED in terms of contents and to give consciousness and collaboration of relevant functions by specifying areas that need improvement and reinforcement. Of course, it can not be overlooked that this study can not represent the whole and there are realistic limitations. Military precaution and response activities are roused. It has bright prospect that the mutual consensus among the related organizations (functions) will spread and the organic cooperation and co-operation will be strengthened.

7중국 패권화와 한계에 관한 연구 - 사회중심적 접근이론을 중심으로 -

저자 : 변현도 ( Byoeon Hyeon-do )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 97권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 158-184 (27 pages)

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The world press and some experts are arguing for new supremacy. However, it is doubtful whether China has the potential to become a hegemonic power and the power to become a hegemony. It is also necessary to study why China is trying to become a hegemonic state and why it can not be a hegemonic state.
The theory for research applied aggressive realism. Mearshimer, a representative scholar of aggressive realism, argues that politics by force is at the core of international relations. By applying the aggressive realism theory, we have studied the reasons for China's hegemony and the limitations of hegemonic activities.
Literature review emphasizes the differentiation of existing research contents by examining previous research data on hegemony and limit factors, and presents the theoretical background by analyzing the perception of research on hegemony and limitations. The framework of analysis was applied to David Easten 's input and output model applying societal approach theory.
In this paper, we investigated the factors of supremacy activity, supremacy limit activity and supremacy. The factors of formation of hegemonic activity are classified into factors for attaining national goals, factors for achieving military strategic goals, and factors for achieving economic interests. The hegemonic activities were divided into historical process strategy, inland sea strategy and one belt-one road strategy. The limitation of the hegemony is divided into the internal limit and the external limit as a method of analyzing the formation factors and hegemonic activities mentioned above.

8청일전쟁 및 제1차 세계대전 기원과 21세기 동아태ᆞ한반도 분쟁에의 시사점

저자 : 송재익 ( Song Jae-ik )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 97권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 185-209 (25 pages)

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North Korea had 6th Nuclear Test and Hwasung-15 ICBM launching, then declared 'Nuclear Weapon Accomplishment'. And there were words of 2th Korean War, 3th World War and Nuclear War. But in 2018, there were three time South-North summit talks and one time U.S.-N.K. Summit Talks with PyeongChang Winter Olympic Games. And then Korean Peninsula was started to be made to peace mode. At the same we expected N.K. denuclearization and pease regime of Korean Peninsula. On the other hand, war is not a devil but a phenomenon of international society, so we must understand and manage a nature of war. So, Korean Forces always have to prepare war in peace atmosphere.
First, this paper made a framework for analysis formed by 3 Images of Kenneth Waltz and 3 Viewpoints of Joseph Nye, Jr. That is are international system, national system and political leader individual personality as 3 viewpoints.
Next, this paper analyzed the Origins of war of the Sino-Japanese War and 1th World War. And this paper analyzed Sion-Japanese and 1th World War comparatively, so studied a Implication and a suggestion in East Asia-Pacific Region and Korean Peninsular.
In conclusion, Korean society oriented pease, at least military have to provide against War. That is a responsibility and a duty of military.

9인간중심 국가안보: 새로운 안보 현실에 대응하는 안보 패러다임

저자 : 장진섭 ( Jang Jinseop Ph. D. )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 97권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 210-238 (29 pages)

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When the Cold War ended, the international community had high hopes for global peace and security. However, such optimism has been shaken by a series of grave crises, including terrorism, ethnic cleansing, epidemics, and nuclear crises. These new threats are mostly human security threats that pose national security risks even to strong states. Thus, the demand for human security by security consumers - i.e., citizens - has skyrocketed, while national security institutions' supply of human security has not satisfied this demand, largely due to the traditional orientation of national security towards “regime-centric security.” Although the concept of “human security” developed by the United Nations provides a useful starting point, current definitions of human security have serious limitations that have kept human security out of mainstream discussions about strong states' national security. This separation is both illogical and impractical, because not only has the public demand for human security increased, but the potential role of the public in security processes has also grown. Recognizing these new realities, this paper reconsiders both human security and national security, bringing the “human” back into the study of national security while also incorporating the state as a critical institution for human security. The resultant new framework, “human-centric national security,” has three dimensions: security of humans, for humans, and by humans.

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