논문 상세보기

한국국방연구원> Korean journal of defense analysis> A Vanguard of Foreign Policy over Maritime Claims: Naval Power rather than National Power

KCI등재SSCISCOUPUS

A Vanguard of Foreign Policy over Maritime Claims: Naval Power rather than National Power

Jonghwan Han
  • : 한국국방연구원
  • : Korean journal of defense analysis 32권2호
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 2020년 06월
  • : 311-329(19pages)

DOI


목차

Introduction
Maritime Claims and Naval Power
What Makes Naval Power Special in Foreign Policy over Maritime Claims
Empirically, Is Naval Power Different from National Power (the CINC Score)?
Case Study: Several Militarized Disputes over the Northern Limited Line (NLL)
Conclusion
Notes

키워드 보기


초록 보기


						
Most quantitative studies about maritime claims use national power measured by gross indicators, such as the CINC score, to explain disputants’ foreign policy leverage over maritime claims. The basic assumption in using national power to analyze issues over maritime claims is that wealthier, more developed, more populous countries can transfer abundant resources into military potentials, which enables them to have stronger foreign policy leverage over maritime claims. This research does not attempt to deny this assumption. This study, however, argues that based on the inherent advantages of naval power to project power over the sea, naval power measured by the total tonnage of warships is theoretically better and empirically different from national power, and the usage of naval power enhances understanding about disputants’ foreign policy behaviors over maritime claims. Therefore, I conclude that naval power rather than national power is a better and more tailored indicator to explain issues, especially the occurrence of militarized disputes over maritime claims.

UCI(KEPA)

간행물정보

  • : 사회과학분야  > 정치/외교학
  • : KCI등재
  • : SSCI,SCOPUS
  • : 계간
  • : 1016-3271
  • :
  • : 학술지
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 1989-2020
  • : 828


저작권 안내

한국학술정보㈜의 모든 학술 자료는 각 학회 및 기관과 저작권 계약을 통해 제공하고 있습니다.

이에 본 자료를 상업적 이용, 무단 배포 등 불법적으로 이용할 시에는 저작권법 및 관계법령에 따른 책임을 질 수 있습니다.

발행기관 최신논문
| | | | 다운로드

1Security Hedging Strategies of U.S. Allies and Partners in the Era of Trump: The ROK, Japan and Singapore as Case Studies

저자 : Er-win Tan , Jae-jeok Park , Tomohiko Satake

발행기관 : 한국국방연구원 간행물 : Korean journal of defense analysis 32권 2호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 163-184 (22 pages)

다운로드

(기관인증 필요)

초록보기

Increasing acrimony in U.S.-China relations poses a challenge for states in the Asia-Pacific region, particularly those that have, whilst benefiting from the U.S. role in underwriting regional security, wish to avoid straining relations with China. In dealing with this challenge, the ROK, Japan and Singapore have blended “minilateralism” alongside hedging strategies. Japan's approach has combined maintenance of its security ties to the United States, whilst simultaneously increasing security cooperation with other powers in the region. The ROK has positioned itself strategically within the U.S. alliance network in the Asia-Pacific, whilst distancing itself from full security cooperation with Japan, in order to reassure China. Singapore faces additional difficulty due to its small size, and has focused on mobilizing its “convening” power to highlight its own relevance to the interests of the international community, whilst simultaneously increasing security cooperation with the UK and Australia as alternative partners.

2Uncertainty, Cooperation and U.S.-China Relations:A Survey Experiment on Conflictual Possibilities between Great Powers

저자 : Lin Liu , Yi Yang

발행기관 : 한국국방연구원 간행물 : Korean journal of defense analysis 32권 2호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 185-206 (22 pages)

다운로드

(기관인증 필요)

초록보기

China's rise and its consequences for U.S.-China relations and international stability has generated great scholarly interest. However, current research fails to explain why dominant powers such as the United States sometimes cooperates with rising threats like China. Edelstein notes that realists often conflate two types of uncertainty: risk, which one can assess using probabilistic estimates; and uncertainty, which suggests that, in complex world systems, outcomes are truly unknowable. We thus ask: do risk and uncertainty scenarios affect states' strategic choices differently? Unlike offensive realists who argue uncertainty always increases conflictual possibilities because states fear the intentions of others, Edelstein following a defensive realist argument suggests that uncertainty rather than risk will enhance cooperation chances because when great powers are truly uncertain about rising powers' intentions, they become less aggressive, preferring to wait and see. This paper adopts a survey experiment in China to evaluate how risk and uncertainty can encourage or reduce competitive state behaviors. Contradicting Edelstein, our experiment shows that uncertainty generates less chances for cooperation between dominant and rising powers than risk. In this vein, this paper serves as an empirical support to the offensive realist argument that portrays great power relations as invariably competitive affairs.

3Before “Fire and Fury”: The Role of Anger and Fear in U.S.-North Korea Relations, 1968-1994

저자 : Benjamin R. Young

발행기관 : 한국국방연구원 간행물 : Korean journal of defense analysis 32권 2호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 207-229 (23 pages)

다운로드

(기관인증 필요)

초록보기

Since the beginning of the Korean War, the North Korean and U.S. governments have been involved in emotional warfare. From North Korea's stated “eternal hatred” of the U.S. imperialists to Washington's demonization of Pyongyang as an insidious Soviet pawn, emotions have been at the heart of this hostile bilateral relationship. Using three case studies (the 1968 Pueblo incident, the 1976 axe murder incident, and the 1994 nuclear crisis), I examine the ways in which the two sides have elicited emotional responses from their populations for their respective political goals. By portraying the U.S. as the source of all evilness in its state-run media, the North Korean regime halted internal criticisms and consolidated their political power. Meanwhile, the U.S. media saw North Korea's aggression as a symbol of Communist treachery and Soviet imperialism.

4Strategic Implications of a Nuclear North Korea: Europe's Dual Role in Diplomacy and Deterrence

저자 : Mason Richey , Jung-hoon Lee , Jangho Kim

발행기관 : 한국국방연구원 간행물 : Korean journal of defense analysis 32권 2호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 231-252 (22 pages)

다운로드

(기관인증 필요)

초록보기

This article examines the strategic implications of North Korea as a nuclear state, and outlines why the default setting of a nuclear Korean Peninsula is instability, thereby also showing why this is not simply a U.S.-North Korea or North-South peninsular issue when it comes to preventing conflict escalation. Indeed, it is not only a regional issue involving China, Japan, and Russia, but a global issue warranting a world-wide effort at resolution. An understudied aspect of a nuclear North Korea and its geo-strategic implications is the way in which Europe is affected. As a norm-maker, as well as a party with critical stakes in maintaining a liberal global order, European states, the EU, and NATO have geopolitical interests in the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons, particularly vis-à-vis dictatorial regimes such as North Korea. In light of this, this article argues that Europe's policy-makers should (a) continue to devote major diplomatic resources (including naming a Special Representative for North Korea) to the effort to keep Korean Peninsula diplomacy alive, and (b), regardless of the success or failure of Korean Peninsula diplomacy, prepare to contribute to deterrence and containment efforts in concert with the international community. Whether through diplomacy or deterrence, Europe must become more pro-active if it hopes to enjoy peninsular peace dividends.

5Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space and Developing Countries

저자 : Miqdad Mehdi , Jinyuan Su

발행기관 : 한국국방연구원 간행물 : Korean journal of defense analysis 32권 2호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 253-270 (18 pages)

다운로드

(기관인증 필요)

초록보기

The existing international legal framework for outer space is inadequate for the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space (PAROS). There has not been any other legally-binding treaty on outer space since the signing of the Moon Agreement (MA) in 1979. The development of adequate international law for PAROS is in urgent need. Some spacefaring countries are promoting a treaty on PAROS. For instance, China and Russia have proposed a draft treaty on the Prevention of Placement of Weapons in Outer Space and the Threat or Use of Force against Outer Space Objects (PPWT), which has encountered criticisms from some other space powers. This paper briefly reviews the influence, rights, and concerns of developing countries on PAROS. Developing countries have participated and made their concerns known in various inter-governmental fora, such as the General Assembly (GA) and the Conference on Disarmament (CD). It discusses the role of developing countries in the making of treaties and resolutions on outer space. It concludes by summing up the efforts of developing countries for disarmament and explores the challenges that the international community is facing to conclude an international agreement on PAROS. The paper also makes several suggestions for promoting the peaceful exploration and use of outer space.

6How to Resolve the North Korean Nuclear Issue: From a Commitment Problem Perspective

저자 : Jaewook Chung

발행기관 : 한국국방연구원 간행물 : Korean journal of defense analysis 32권 2호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 271-292 (22 pages)

다운로드

(기관인증 필요)

초록보기

From a rationalist perspective, this paper analyzes the current nuclear stalemate between the United States and North Korea. Using a simple game theoretical model, this paper shows that the current deadlock emanates from a commitment problem, Pyongyang's concern that the United States will be unable to commit itself to following through on an agreement once Pyongyang has dismantled its nuclear programs, because Pyongyang's accommodation of the demand for denuclearization would imply not only the increased vulnerability of the North to U.S. military presence but also the undermining of its future bargaining power relative to that of the United States. Currently, the lack of a reliable enforcing mechanism to guarantee the implementation of a nuclear deal generates this commitment problem, making it more difficult for both sides to strike a deal. Thus, this paper offers three policy alternatives to minimize the commitment problem as a prerequisite to resolving the North Korean nuclear problem and making progress towards denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula. First, minimizing the commitment problem requires bringing in a third party who is capable of securing the implementation of an agreement. Besides bringing in a third party, this paper also proposes two other ways to make reneging costly. The final agreement for a nuclear deal must be a legally binding agreement such as a treaty that requires U.S. domestic legislative approval and finally, North Korea must relinquish any economic aid from the United States to reduce the possibility that a nuclear deal made between them does not cause any U.S. domestic backlash against the deal.

다운로드

(기관인증 필요)

초록보기

This article seeks to explain the root cause of North Korea's behavior associated with its recent initiatives of diplomatic engagement. Contrary to the popular account in the United States that the Trump administration's policy of maximum pressure has brought North Korea to the negotiating table, this article argues that Kim Jong Un's desire to consolidate his regime's legitimacy through economic development after completing his preeminent goal of becoming a nuclear power is a driving force in Pyongyang's sudden turn to diplomacy in 2018. Based on the analysis of the North Korean economy under the Kim Jong Un regime as well as Kim's public statements, it points out the flaws of the popular account and reveals that this article's main claim is empirically supported and thus is more compelling.

8A Vanguard of Foreign Policy over Maritime Claims: Naval Power rather than National Power

저자 : Jonghwan Han

발행기관 : 한국국방연구원 간행물 : Korean journal of defense analysis 32권 2호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 311-329 (19 pages)

다운로드

(기관인증 필요)

초록보기

Most quantitative studies about maritime claims use national power measured by gross indicators, such as the CINC score, to explain disputants' foreign policy leverage over maritime claims. The basic assumption in using national power to analyze issues over maritime claims is that wealthier, more developed, more populous countries can transfer abundant resources into military potentials, which enables them to have stronger foreign policy leverage over maritime claims. This research does not attempt to deny this assumption. This study, however, argues that based on the inherent advantages of naval power to project power over the sea, naval power measured by the total tonnage of warships is theoretically better and empirically different from national power, and the usage of naval power enhances understanding about disputants' foreign policy behaviors over maritime claims. Therefore, I conclude that naval power rather than national power is a better and more tailored indicator to explain issues, especially the occurrence of militarized disputes over maritime claims.

1
주제별 간행물
간행물명 수록권호

민주화운동기념사업회 연구소 정책리포트
49권 0호 ~ 51권 0호

KCI등재

The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA)
25권 1호 ~ 25권 1호

정치와 평론
26권 0호 ~ 26권 0호

KCI등재

국방정책연구
128권 0호 ~ 128권 0호

접경지역통일연구
4권 1호 ~ 4권 1호

KCI등재

국방연구(안보문제연구소)
63권 2호 ~ 63권 2호

KCI등재

통일과 평화
12권 1호 ~ 12권 1호

KCI등재

한일민족문제연구
38권 0호 ~ 38권 0호

KCI등재

북한연구학회보
24권 1호 ~ 24권 1호

KCI등재

북한학연구
16권 1호 ~ 16권 1호

KCI후보

한국군사학논총
18권 0호 ~ 18권 0호

KCI후보

한국과 국제사회
4권 3호 ~ 4권 3호

KCI등재

한국중동학회논총
41권 1호 ~ 41권 1호

KCI등재

한국과국제정치(KWP)
36권 2호 ~ 36권 2호

KCI등재

비교민주주의연구
16권 1호 ~ 16권 1호

KCI등재

한국정치연구
29권 2호 ~ 29권 2호

통일한국포럼
25권 0호 ~ 30권 0호

군사논단
102권 0호 ~ 102권 0호

KCI등재

기억과 전망
42권 0호 ~ 42권 0호

KCI후보

글로벌정치연구
13권 1호 ~ 13권 1호
발행기관 최신논문
자료제공: 네이버학술정보
발행기관 최신논문
자료제공: 네이버학술정보

내가 찾은 최근 검색어

최근 열람 자료

맞춤 논문

보관함

내 보관함
공유한 보관함

1:1문의

닫기